I keep being told that the children of single fathers have better outcomes than the children of single mothers, but no one ever provides me with any evidence, even as many keep claiming there's tons of it out there.
In my previous attempts to get to the bottom of this question, I haven't been able to find anything, but finally I have found some evidence for the claim:
"Among the group of studies that discriminated between single-mother and single-father families, some used single-father samples only (Greif, 1985; Hanson, 1981, 1982; Meyer & Garasky, 1993; Smith & Smith, 1981), others compared single-mother with single-father families (Ambert, 1982; Cohen, 1995; Defrain & Eirick, 1981; Downey & Powell, 1993; Fricke, 1982; Schnayer & Orr, 1983), and a few compared single-mother, single-father, and intact families (Santrock & Warshak, 1979; Santrock & Warshak, 1982; Wadsworth, Burnell, Taylor, & Butler, 1985)
Researchers conducting these studies found that the difficulties facing single mothers and single fathers were similar. Both had to adapt to undefined parts of the single-parent role, and each had to cross gender boundaries to raise a family alone (Cohen, 1995). In spite of these similarities, comparisons across family structures revealed that there were important differences in how single mothers and single fathers carried out their roles. Single fathers were more confident in their parenting and they were more likely to involve their children in family responsibilities than were single mothers (Fricke, 1982; Orthner & Lewis, 1979).
In general, researchers conducting a meta-analysis of this group of studies found that the influence of the parent-child relationship on children's outcomes was strongest for children of school age. They also reported that children experienced fewer problems if single fathers, rather than single mothers, had custody, and that these patterns were consistent across all child outcomes (Arnato & Keith, 1991).
Many of the comparisons of single-mother and single-father families centered on gender differences in parenting. Downey and Moen (1987) reported that single fathers and single mothers specialized in the types of resources they provided their children. They found that single mothers provided their children with more interpersonal resources, such as time spent talking with a child about school and involvement in a child's activities. In comparison, single fathers provided their children with greater economic resources. Since single fathers earn almost twice the income of single mothers, it is not surprising that they had greater economic resources to offer their chil- dren. It is inaccurate to imply, however, that all single fathers are affluent. A significant number live in poverty, which has been shown to negatively impact the parent-child relationship and children's behavior, regardless of family structure (Cohen, 1995; Meyer & Garasky, 1993).
Other researchers reported that income did not influence the parent- child relationship in single-father families, and that single fathers provided as many interpersonal resources as single mothers (Greif, 1985, 1995; Hanson, 1981, 1982). These findings are consistent with the majority of studies that have demonstrated that single custodial fathers provide a healthy and supportive family environment and are concerned about meeting the emotional needs of their children (Downey & Powell, 1993; Hanson, 1986a, 198613; Orthner, Brown, & Ferguson, 1976; Orthner & Lewis, 1979; Smith & Smith, 1981). In these studies, single fathers were found to be warm and supportive, and they commonly tried to compensate for being the only parent by giving as much time as possible to their children. For example, single fathers went out of their way to be with their children and take them on weekend outings and to evening activities (Orthner & Lewis, 1979).
Overall, researchers agree that a positive and warm parent-child relationship is associated with good child outcomes in all types of families (Santrock & Warshak, 1979; Hanson, 1982). However, when single mothers and single fathers were compared, several differences in positive parenting behaviors emerged. Single fathers were found to be more confident of their parenting ability and to feel they had a better parent-child relationship than did single mothers (Fricke, 1982). Single fathers also seemed to command more authority and respect from their children (Ambert, 1982). Orthner and Brown (1978) found that single fathers were less emotional and more pragmatic than single mothers, and that they were less likely than single mothers to depend on television as a sitter for their children. Single fathers also were more likely than single mothers to involve their children in family responsibilities, and to encourage their children's independence (Orthner, Brown, & Ferguson, 1976; Orthner & Lewis, 1979)
Another difference that emerged was that negative parenting, in the context of discipline, was not the issue for single fathers that it was for single mothers. Defrain and Eirick (1981) found that custodial fathers did not change their disciplinary approach to children following divorce, but mothers did. Other researchers found that single fathers who did change their disciplinary approach following divorce became more relaxed and democratic and less authoritarian (Santrock & Warshak, 1982; Smith & Smith, 1981). In contrast, single mothers tended to become more critical and inconsistent in disciplining their children after the divorce (Bronstein et al., 1993; Santrock & Warshak, 1982; Webster-Stratton, 1989). Negative parenting behaviors that have been associated with poor adjustment in children include lack of parental control by custodial mothers and authoritarian parenting by custodial fathers (Hodges et al., 1983)
In terms of the impact of divorce on children's behavior, one study revealed no differences between single-mother families and single- father families in child behavior problems (Schnayer & Orr, 1989). In contrast, several other studies documented that children living with single fathers had fewer behavior problems than children living with single mothers, and that children living with more affluent single mothers had fewer behavior problems than children living with financially distressed single mothers (Amato & Keith, 1991; Ambert, 1982; Downey & Powell, 1993).
In examining the types of behavior problems that children experience, Hodges and Bloom (1984) reported that younger children had more externalizing behavior problems than older children, and boys had more internalizing and externalizing problems than girls. Other researchers have found that boys are more likely to engage in externalizing behavior than girls (Loeber & LeBlanc, 1990; Santrock & War- shak, 1979; Simons, Whitbeck, Beaman, & Conger, 1994), and that boys were more demanding and less mature with single mothers than with single fathers (Santrock & Warshak, 1979).
In yet another study, researchers found that the source of stress in the family made a difference in the type of behavior problems experienced by children (Hodges, London, & Colwell, 1990). Parental stress was associated with externalizing behaviors, while children's stress was associated with internalizing behaviors.
In terms of overall adjustment of single parents and their children, Ambert (1982) found that single fathers were more satisfied with their role than single mothers, and children in the custody of fathers appeared to be happier than children in the custody of mothers. However, Amato and Keith (1991) note that economic resources may account for most of the reported differences in functioning between single- mother and single-father families. A number of studies show that poor children are significantly more likely than non-poor children to have both externalizing and internalizing behavior problems, regardless of family structure (Gibbs, 1986; McLeod & Shanahan, 1993; Velez, Johnson, & Cohen, 1989; Werner, 1985).
Another factor to consider is that family size has been found to affect functioning in single-father families, but not single-mother families. Cohen (1995) found that single fathers did better when they had a small family, although Demaris and Greif (1992) found no influence of number of children on the functioning of custodial fathers.
Few studies were found that compared parenting and child functioning as reported by single mothers, single fathers, married mothers, and married fathers. This approach is useful because i t allows comparison of family structure (single-parent versus intact families), gender (mothers versus fathers), and role responsibility of the parent (the primary parenting role of single parents and married mothers versus the complementary or co-parenting role of married fathers). Using this approach, Santrock and Warshak (1982) found that single mothers were more permissive and more likely to allow their children to control them than were single fathers, married mothers, or married fathers. Authoritative parenting was linked to positive child outcomes in both single-mother and single-father families. Authoritarian parenting was linked to poor child outcomes in single-father homes and permissive parenting yielded worse child outcomes in single-mother homes. In another study done in Great Britain, children in both single-mother and single-father families had higher externalizing scores than children in intact families (Wadsworth et al., 1985)
In summary, there is general agreement that children are likely to experience behavior problems following divorce, especially in single- mother families. Furthermore, externalizing problems seem to be more prevalent than internalizing problems. There also is agreement that single mothers use fewer positive and more negative parenting behaviors than married parents or single fathers. Overall, children seem to do better when they live with single fathers rather than single mothers and single fathers appear to be more satisfied than single mothers with the role of single parent.
These results, however, should be interpreted with caution. The literature on divorced families is prone to methodological problems, particularly the earlier studies and those that included single-father families. A majority of these studies used small, non-representative clinical and convenience samples and most were atheoretical. In addition, many of the studies addressed specific developmental periods of childhood such as early childhood, middle childhood, and adolescence, but the most common approach was to analyze the behavior of children from all three age categories as a single group without controlling for the age of the child...
Across most outcomes, the single mothers and single fathers were more alike than different in their responses. However, they arrived at this common ground from different positions. In contrast to married parents, single mothers had become less positive in their parenting following divorce, whereas single fathers had become more positive. Specific positive and negative parenting behaviors of single mothers and single fathers were not significantly different from one another, with the exception that single fathers allowed more independence in their children. In terms of their children's behavior, single mothers and single fathers both reported more externalizing behaviors in their children than married parents, and the specific types of problems they encountered were similar. The one major difference between single mothers and fathers was that single mothers reported more internalizing behavior problems in their children than married parents, whereas the reports of single fathers were no different than those of any of the other parents.
Given the similarities in the role responsibilities of single parents compared to married parents, these findings are not surprising. According to ecological theory, it was anticipated that the role responsibilities of parents would be more important than gender in explaining parenting and children's behavior...
There was no evidence to support the effect of gender on parenting...
Gender was also of little value in explaining children's internalizing and externalizing behavior. When single mothers were compared with single fathers, no differences were found in their children's behavior problems. Furthermore, children in single-parent families had more externalizing problems than children in intact families, whether the single parent was male or female. Children in single-mother families were unique, however, in that they were reported to have more problems with internalizing behavior than children in intact families. This finding may or may not be gender based. Single mothers may be more sensitive to, or aware of, internalized types of behavior problems than single fathers, leading to a higher rate of reporting. On the other hand, single fathers may discourage internalizing behavior as an expression of their children's distress. Another possibility is that institutional forces, rather than gender, are responsible. Children may be responding to their mothers' economic distress with internalized feelings of insecurity, fear, and depression...
There also was strong evidence that family structure contributed to children's behavior problems. All of the significant differences in reported child behavior were between single and married parents, with both single mothers and single fathers reporting more behavior problems. Externalizing behavior was especially problematic. Compared to children in intact families, children in single-parent families were more likely to lie, destroy property, and associate with children who got into trouble . . . behaviors which are particularly disturbing given that the children in the sample were pre-adolescent. These findings support the conclusion reached by Downey and Moen (1987) that lack of any parent, whether it is the father or mother, appears to increase children's problem behavior. Perhaps the strain of one person having primary responsibility for childrearing is a structural problem in single-parent families that cannot be resolved without having other adults share the burden."
--- Comparison of Parenting and Children's Behavior in Single-Mother, Single-Father, and Intact Families / Jeanne M. Hilton, Esther L. Devall (Journal of Divorce & Remarriage, 1998)
