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Showing posts with label singapore. Show all posts
Showing posts with label singapore. Show all posts

Thursday, November 06, 2025

An expat’s life in Singapore

An expat’s life in Singapore

"Singapore is a great place to live. Beyond the high salaries, there are two primary reasons for this, and they are related. The first reason is widely discussed: Singapore maximises freedom from, without, in my view, too much compromise of freedom to... The second reason, however, is less widely discussed: the systematic suppression of what I like to call ‘bottom-feeders’ and their most egregious behaviours at all levels of society. Let me explain. 

Increased geographic mobility and blank slatism have left Western governments completely unable to distinguish between people ‘of good character’ and people ‘of bad character’. Although an intuitive concept, it has been marginalised in the West due to it having almost inherently inegalitarian — and usually also hereditarian — implications.

The result is that we expect to be solicited and bothered wherever we go; such is the banal reality of modern urban life in the West. As money is increasingly concentrated in major urban centres, human detritus follows, looking to make piddling profits at the bottom of the never-ending human caterpillar of exchange and trade, i.e., ‘bottom-feeders’. Such experiences range from drugs and prostitution in Hong Kong and Bangkok, to more innocuous (but still annoying) grifts in Istanbul or Rome, whether that be selling water bottles on a bridge over the Bosphorus or hawking tacky trinkets, fake designer handbags, and rip-off bracelets outside the Colosseum. The lowest of all grifts, of course, is petty crime — minor scams, pickpocketing, shoplifting, etc. — which now abounds in such former pinnacles of Western civilisation as Athens, Paris, and New York.

Such solicitation — and imposition — from detritus, whether migrants or locals, is far worse and impactful to the dignity of the average person’s life than violent crime, which mostly occurs between the dregs who are looking to maximise their position at the lowest rung of the bottom-feeding cycle by removing their competition. Although often romanticised as ‘gang violence’ in rap and popular media, Goodfellas it is not. In reality, it is far less strategic, and more random and meaningless. Such grifting, however, does not only occur at the lowest rungs of society, at the bottom socioeconomic stratum. Academia, for instance, is also rife with such grifters. One of these grifters, Professor Claudine Gay, even made it to the very top of her profession, winning appointment as President of Harvard University before she was discovered to be the academic equivalent of a rip-off trinket seller on the streets of Manila.

If I could describe the experience of living in Singapore in the simplest way possible, it would be that Singapore is the only nation on earth designed to be rid of bottom-feeders at every level of society. The result is a highly civilised way of life that could only be rivalled by pre-Great War European cities; pristinely clean streets and well-mannered people. It is an environment in which even the most obvious targets for bottom-feeders — such as the airport, the central business district, and nightclubs — feel like one’s own living room. Even the Joo Chiat/Geylang area — the traditional and current stomping grounds of Chinese triads, secret societies, and gangs — is family friendly and gentrified during the day, yet degenerate at night. Not all gang crime is made equal: even Singaporean gangs (mainly dealing in illicit cigarettes, prostitution, and drugs) do not seriously interfere with the lives of ordinary people.

Furthermore, not only is vagrancy and begging not tolerated in the way we see in even the most civilised parts of London — Mayfair, Canary Wharf, etc. — thus removing the most obvious form of bottom-feeding, white collar bottom-feeding is also quite rare. While there are smatterings of superfluous social science academics, the most lurid form of white collar puffery — which is promoted mostly by psychotic undergraduate students — is completely stamped out. The best example of this is Yale-NUS College, which, having been established in 2011 as a way to merge the ‘best of the East and the West’ (‘Brilliant!’), is being quietly shut down and re-established as ‘NUS College’ next year. In other words, Yale is being kicked out by the ever-sovereign Singaporean government. (As an aside, it’s worth noting that, despite Singapore’s uncompromising approach to sovereignty, government spending is only 15 percent of GDP; proportionally, this is a mere third of non-sovereign Britain’s 45 percent — roughly the level of government spending found in Norway and Sweden.)

The official reasoning given for Yale’s unceremonious exit was the need for financial sustainability and the desire to integrate the liberal arts more fully into the broader NUS framework. Beneath the surface, however, it’s clear to all that it is being shut down due to the insufferable shitlibbery that was being imported to Singapore by many of the American students. Singapore’s three main universities — NUS, NTU, and SMU — remain blissfully apolitical, with formal debating clubs being the only vaguely political student societies. By contrast, it is not uncommon to see matriculated or exchange students at Yale-NUS ostentatiously celebrating ‘Trans Awareness Month’, or protesting alleged ‘human rights abuses’ by the Singaporean government — the main offences in question being maintaining law and order with capital (hanging) and corporal (caning) punishment, and employing foreign workers without giving them automatic citizenship for simply existing on Singaporean soil...

The guest worker controversy is one of the most grating criticisms of Singapore. Contrary to left-liberal claims, there is no equivalence, moral or otherwise, between (frequently abusive) ‘guest labour’ in the Gulf — where there are many reports of foreign workers being brought over on false pretences; lured in with promises of a good job, but finding themselves effectively in indentured servitude upon their arrival — and the simple, contractual, and honest guest worker policy employed by Singapore. The idea that a foreigner with no real skills, bringing nothing to Singapore but his or her muscle, should expect above-market wages — let alone welfare rights — seems ridiculous to most people here. In their view, it is a fair and transparent contract which these foreigners have signed out of their own volition; by definition, therefore, no exploitation can be taking place. This point of view — one which you would only find on the ‘far-right’ in the West — is just one of many examples in this country of what I call ‘folkish’ common sense. Foreigners don’t automatically deserve free things and above-market wages just by existing on our soil? Incredible!

The dormitories in which the guest workers live — with ample facilities provided — seem infinitely better than the conditions the workers would likely find in their home country. The average Singaporean would baulk at the idea that guest workers should not only live better than they did back home, but should also expect to live similarly to Singaporean citizens in this regard — especially when the average Singaporean citizen already lacks space themselves.

In his last interview as Prime Minister, Lee Hsien Loong, son of Lee Kuan Yew, claimed — in the most polite terms possible — that his opposition, like most politicians in the West, both in and out of government, are grifters.

Most new entrants into politics as of late are more interested in ‘politicking’ than they are in policymaking, as this is more likely to appeal to the resentful lowest common denominator. As such, to make a career for themselves, they will focus more on wedge cultural issues than on the ‘bread and butter’ of governing. This isn’t just about the most trivial responsibilities, like bin collection or community centres, but also much bigger issues; issues which often shouldn’t have any moral cadence whatsoever.

Take immigration. Unlike in the West, there is zero moral cadence to this issue in Singapore. While there may be economic disagreement about the necessity for ‘foreign talent’ at the top of the job market, no one resents paying Filipino guest workers $500 a month to take care of their menial household tasks. No Singaporean Indian or Singaporean Malay lobbies to let more of their Indian Indian or Malaysian Malay co-ethnics into Singapore. Even the majority ethnic group, the Chinese (three-quarters of the population) will stress the differences between the Chinese from China — from the ‘PRC’ — and Chinese Singaporeans. Singaporean civic identity is real, and it is based on shared success and wealth.

Singapore bans any political protesting which has not received prior permission, and even with permission, many restrictions apply. As such, despite the population being around 15% Muslim, no pro-Palestine protests of any note have taken place on the streets of Singapore. After living in Singapore for long enough, it’s quite clear to see that restrictions placed on the ‘right to protest’ are not generally in place to prevent opposition per se. Plenty of people I know criticise the government liberally in a very carefree, rational manner without any repercussions. Rather, these restrictions exist to prevent political grifts and to maintain civilised life against intrusions and encumbrances. 

Even the most principled critics of Israel’s dealings with Palestinians will be increasingly tired of protestors causing a ruckus and harassing people on the streets of London, Paris, or Berlin to absolutely no effect. Most sensible people do not dislike these protests because of their support for Israel; rather, they dislike them because they are composed of grotesque, ugly, and frequently deranged people who disturb your day for no good reason. After all, it’s not like wailing and screaming in the streets will realistically convert anyone to your cause; nor does it encourage people who simply don’t care to ‘educate themselves’ more on the topic: it’s blatant browbeating. These people know they are annoying, but they don't care. As such, the Singaporean government — in line with their approach to other public disturbances completely unrelated to politics — decided to take action...

I believe one result of this policy is the continuation of normal, civic politics, most of which is quite banal to us. Even the most vehement critics of the People’s Action Party, such as the ostensibly left-wing Singapore Democratic Party leader, Chee Soon Juan, makes what are to us only the dullest — but still legitimate — criticisms of the government...

It must finally be noted that, unlike in South Korea where President Park Chung-hee sharply divides opinion, Lee Kuan Yew is, and probably always will be, nearly universally respected. Even those (mostly Tamils) who believe him to have been immoral and racist still feel they must pay lip service to him, such is the overwhelming strength of his reputation. I did encounter one elderly critic who claimed that Lee Kuan Yew was only admitted to and performed well at Cambridge because the best of Britain’s youngest generation died in the Second World War, meaning he had weaker competition. Even Lee Kuan Yew’s most vehement of critics thus made use of the concept of dysgenics in their criticism of him! This, alone, is a testament to his greatness...

On the face of it, it’s difficult to understand why Singapore’s TFR is so low. Despite the lack of living space, Singapore, being safe and civilised, is a good place to raise children — especially when compared to even more cramped and dirty cities like Hong Kong. A ‘baby bonus’ of £10k is not especially impressive, especially when compared to South Korea’s £30k, but this is still more than most other countries offer. Of course, the reality is that fiscal incentives have a very limited effect...

Singapore, being a foundationally multicultural country, maintains the pragmatic ‘management of race relations' approach that was taken by British governments in the ’50s and ’60s, before it was decided one day that foreigners were entirely equal to us in ability, temperament, and character. Singapore is under no such illusions, and even as Singapore’s government under Lee Kuan Yew was extolling the virtues of inclusive Singaporean civic nationalism, he was famously so hereditarian that he openly attempted to implement ‘eugenic’ policies in the ’80s to boost the fertility rate of highly educated women. He also admitted that Singapore would be economically more successful if its population were 100% Chinese. 

In a recent interview, Lee Hsien Loong briefly discussed the progress of the Malay community, cautioning that the ‘high incarceration rate’ was still a problem that needed to be addressed by the community. No assumption was made about the ‘unfairness’ of disproportionate incarceration — i.e., ‘structural racism’ — nor was it implied that the Singaporean government or society at large could be in any way blamed for this unfortunate situation. If more Malays are going to prison, it is because they are committing more crime, ‘simple as’.

An interesting judicial belief in Singapore is the notion that criminal characteristics such as low IQ and poverty are aggravating factors, rather than mitigating ones — something that would be viewed as archaic in Britain. In Britain, it has now become accepted that judges can and will pass more lenient sentences to those who have suffered various personal misfortunes. By contrast, in Singapore it is quite common for criminals to plea for lenient sentences on the basis that they come from a ‘good family’ and achieved Top Grades — something that, while not unknown in Britain (though a stable job and/or a wife and children would be referenced rather than one’s parentage), has become increasingly outmoded.

A recent capital sentence many readers may have heard of is a good case in point. Just last year, in a highly controversial case, an ethnic Indian man from Malaysia named Datchinamurthy Kataiah was sentenced to death for drug trafficking, despite having an IQ of 69, which classifies him as intellectually disabled. Datchinamurthy was convicted of trafficking nearly 45 grams of heroin into Singapore in 2011. Psychological assessments revealed his intellectual disability, leading to calls for leniency. However, the judge decided to proceed with the death sentence because, despite his intellectual limitations, he believed that the miscreant was aware of and understood the risks and implications of trafficking drugs into Singapore. Citing previous cases, the judge also took the view that maintaining the deterrent effect of capital punishment was more important than any moral concerns related to the execution of a mentally retarded man. Legal mitigation on the basis of low intelligence is nonsensical to most Singaporeans, and especially Singaporean judges: they correctly see that intelligence is a spectrum, and that any mitigation on the basis of retardation would render, if only gradually, all deterrent laws redundant, as is occurring in Britain.

‘Singapore is boring’

This is a common complaint about Singapore. It comes with the assumption that a place which is ‘too nice’ must therefore automatically be ‘boring’; everything, so it seems, exists as part of a complex trade-off. This, in my view, is incorrect.

In part, this is a matter of taste: one man’s ‘boring’ is another man’s ‘civilised’. The best comparison one can make with Singapore is Hong Kong, which is outwardly a very similar society. In Hong Kong, the commercial is very much mixed in with the residential. Expect to be constantly accosted by different food smells (good and bad), the soliciting of street vendors and prostitutes, and Indian or African men trying to sell you drugs outside of nightclubs. For a night out, this is great fun. If you’re a tourist, it can be exhilarating. I’m not at all arguing that ‘stuff being done to you’ as opposed to ‘doing stuff to others’ is always bad. However, when it comes to living there permanently, once the novelty wears off, it is often annoying, and frequently exhausting.

In Singapore, contrary to popular assumptions, most vices are still readily available once you know where to look. They are, however, spacially segregated in such a way as to isolate most of their negative externalities without actually prohibiting them altogether. The most obvious case of this is prostitution...

If, despite all I have said, you are still insistent that you actually enjoy ‘vibrant’ places, and don’t mind the sensory overload, I would recommend Little India. I never go there. If you’re interested in areas that are dominated by Malays, which are less bad, try places on the east coast of the island, like Eunos or Geylang Serai. As someone who has visited Malaysia numerous times, it’s fascinating how similar the Malay areas in Singapore are to the Malay-dominant suburbs in places like Johor and Malacca on the other side of the Malaysia-Singapore border...

This particular work of art struck me as being emblematic of Singapore’s generally positive perception of the colonial era and its role in the eventual development of Singapore as a city-state. Statues of Raffles are littered around the colonial town... Such a lack of ressentiment and neurotic kvetching over the colonial past is a result both of Singapore’s success — you can’t blame the British for your failures if there are few to begin with — and the fact that the majority Chinese population were themselves in some sense colonisers of the land. As a result, the Singaporean Chinese simply have no interest in misrepresenting the past.

Even when armed with such logical explanations, the historical dynamics are still somewhat curious. One would expect that in most postcolonial societies, the collaborators or the imitators of the old guard will be marginalised as the society grows its own organic wealth from technological and/or logistical achievements. Think, for instance, of the violent hatred towards the so-called chinilpa (pro-Japanese collaborators) in a country as outwardly successful as South Korea.

In Singapore, however, such people still largely run the country. The new Prime Minister, Lawrence Wong, is in fact the first not to have been educated at either a British or Singaporean university (Wong was educated at the University of Wisconsin, Michigan and Harvard). In fact, there has been speculation that the United Stares lobbied Singapore to ensure that the next Prime Minister would be US-educated. This fact, although (naturally) unimportant to most Singaporeans, has not gone entirely unnoticed. (As an aside, Wong is also the first Prime Minister of non-Hokkien heritage, with his father hailing from Hainan Island in the far south of China, although this fact, despite stereotypes, seems to be of no importance whatsoever to most Singaporean Chinese.)

I do not wish to be patronising, but as the only widely known Singaporean film, certain attitudes and social mores that are given humorous expression in Crazy Rich Asians are not, in fact, too different from those I have observed while living in Singapore. Although a decidedly Trumpian film in its unabashed celebration of wealth, beauty, and glamour, it is a celebration of old money rather than new. Americanised characters, such as the start-up founder Charlie (played by an American actor) are portrayed as being not only gauche, but resentful and unworthy of high society (‘small dick energy’); by contrast, his fiancée, Astrid (played by a British actress), with her double-first from Oxford and British accent, is portrayed as the height of Singaporean class and achievement despite merely inheriting real estate rather than creating her own wealth. The message is clear: America (‘new money’) is ‘low status’; Britain (‘old money’) is ‘high status’ — and Singapore, interestingly, has plenty of both, at least by East Asian standards of ‘old’. Somehow, Britain’s soft power via an undeserved reputation for class and refinement has prevailed. Even in the clumsy (and arguably ressentiment-filled) opening scene, in which the character played by Michelle Yeoh demands a room at a fine hotel in London, is in fact an allusion to Singapore’s success at catching up with, and overtaking, their main benchmark of civilisation — i.e., Britain — and the bragging rights that come with it. Meanwhile, a joke about starving children in the Third World is made at America’s expense later on in the film. It’s also curious that many of the actors and actresses who play characters from the high-class, rich Young family are British citizens with classically English accents — Gemma Chan and Henry Golding are both British nationals, and Michelle Yeoh was educated in Britain — whereas the funny, cartoonish characters other than the main protagonist are played by American citizens — e.g., Awkwafina, Ken Jeong, and Jimmy Yang. Predictably, the only obviously gay character, Oliver, is played by a Filipino. It’s also quite funny that virtually none of the actors are Singaporean; most seem to be Malaysian Chinese.

Many questions still remain about the Singaporean character, and especially the Singaporean Chinese character. In particular, why are the Singaporean Chinese so different from their mainlander counterparts, and even Hong Kongers? Singaporeans seem simultaneously more unadulterated, friendly, and innocent, yet also more open-minded and worldly than their mainlander counterparts. If we are forced to sum them up in two words, they are less jaded, which makes life here far more pleasant than it would be otherwise."

Monday, December 09, 2024

How to Troubleshoot / Reset a Singtel Wireless Mesh Router / ONR

For some reason, this information is not on the open internet, but has to be tortured out of Shirley, the chatbot. Some of it is counter-intuitive (for example, the reset duration is 30 second [sic], not 10 or 15 seconds, which is more normal).

For easier access, I am reposting what Shirley spewed out here:

"Step 1 : Power off and on your devices - Router, Optical Network Router/Optical Network Terminal, Set Top Box and WiFi Mesh - and wait for them to boot up.

Step 2 : The power LED of each device should come on and be solid (no blinking). Ensure the WiFi Mesh’s LED indicator for the 5Ghz and 2.4Ghz is lighted green. If the 5Ghz LED turns red, you should relocate your device as it is out of the WiFi range.

Check internet connection after above steps. If you are still facing problems with your WiFi Mesh, please continue with the following steps:

Step 3 : Perform a (factory) reset on your WiFi Mesh. Located at the back of your WiFi Mesh is a “Reset” hole, take a pin and press into the reset hole for 30 second before releasing.

Step 4 : Wait for the devices’ power LED to be solid, and continue on with the pairing process in step 5

Step 5 : Press and hold the WPS button on the first WiFi Mesh, followed by the second WiFi Mesh. Ensure that you are holding the button for 2-3 seconds, and that both buttons were pressed within 60 seconds of each other.

Step 6 : Once this process is completed, wait for the 5Ghz and 2.4Ghz light to turn green. Then you can check your internet connection again. Relocate your device if the 5Ghz LED turns red as it is out of WiFi range."

 

What makes things even more fun, though, is that I reset it again and still faced issues.

I called the hotline, and the lady checked a bit and told me that... the IP address at the back of the WiFi router, 192.168.1.254, actually is for the optical network router (ONR), not the WiFi router (despite what Singtel Mesh: Change Wireless Settings & Device Info tells us).

So to access the router, what you need to do is login to the ONR, key in the default password on the back of the ONR, then view the devices on the network, find the IP of the WiFi router and access it to login to the WiFi router using the default password on the WiFi router.

Wednesday, June 26, 2024

Singapore's Chinese-language newspaper increasingly echoes China's message

From July 2023. This article doesn't talk about how China shills predate the analysis, or probably China's influence operations:

Singapore's Chinese-language newspaper increasingly echoes China's message - Washington Post (aka "In Singapore, loud echoes of Beijing’s positions generate anxiety")

"In seeking to incorporate citizens of other countries into its vision, critics say, Beijing is stoking divided loyalties, and their potentially destabilizing consequences, across Southeast Asia — home to more than 80 percent of the ethnic-Chinese people outside China and Taiwan, researchers say.

Concerns are most pronounced in Singapore, a multiracial city-state with a majority ethnic-Chinese population that is increasingly sympathetic to Beijing. A 2022 survey of 19 countries by the Pew Research Center found that Singapore was one of only three that saw China and Xi in favorable terms. In June, the Eurasia Group Foundation released a survey conducted in Singapore, South Korea and the Philippines that found Singapore was the only one that viewed China more favorably than it did the United States. Fewer than half of respondents in Singapore viewed the United States favorably, compared with 56 percent who viewed China favorably.

“If too many Chinese Singaporeans are foolish enough to subscribe to Xi’s version of the ‘China Dream,’ the multiracial social cohesion that is the foundation of Singapore’s success will be destroyed,” said Bilahari Kausikan, a former permanent secretary of Singapore’s Foreign Ministry. “Once destroyed, it cannot be put together again.”

Singapore’s government passed a law to prevent foreign interference in domestic politics that went into effect last year, and has warned its ethnic-Chinese population against “hostile foreign influence operations” and stressed a distinct Singapore-Chinese identity. But messaging by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on key issues such as the role of the United States in the region and China’s internal politics is already entrenched in Singapore, including in a leading Chinese-language publication long backed by Singapore’s government.

The flagship broadsheet, Lianhe Zaobao, illustrates the shifting attitudes toward Beijing. Its reporting, once a reflection of Singapore’s careful neutrality between China and the United States, now routinely echoes some of Beijing’s most strident falsehoods, including denying evidence of rights abuses in Xinjiang and alleging that protests in Hong Kong and in mainland China were instigated by “foreign forces,” according to an examination of more than 700 Lianhe Zaobao articles through 2022 and early 2023 by The Washington Post and the Australian Strategic Policy Institute.

Additionally, the paper has been running regular opinion columns since 2016 from at least two CCP officials without noting their party affiliation, referring to them simply as China affairs commentators. One of the columnists, Deng Qingbo, directs the online propaganda and comment division of Hunan province’s cyberspace administration office, while the other, Ding Songquan, is part of the CCP’s committee at Huzhou College in Zhejiang province and has held several positions in the Zhejiang education department. Another columnist, Hong Kong-based Xing Yunchao, writes sometimes identical columns in the China Daily and Lianhe Zaobao, blurring the line between Chinese state media and the privately held Singaporean newspaper.

As part of its carefully calibrated neutrality between the United States and China, Singapore maintains extensive military and economic ties with Washington alongside its close economic relationship with Beijing...

Beijing sees Southeast Asia as a key sphere of influence, and it has been increasing its public diplomacy and media presence there as part of a multibillion-dollar campaign under Xi, with ethnic-Chinese communities a significant target, according to researchers. China’s legislature is set to pass a “patriotic education” measure that seeks to promote Beijing’s messaging and “Xi Jinping Thought,” including by harnessing the power of overseas Chinese groups, which should “play to their respective advantages,” according to a draft of the law. China’s messaging is twofold, designed to bolster its image and programs, while limiting Washington’s role in Southeast Asia by creating “the sense that the U.S. is dangerous, provocative and destabilizing,” said Chong Ja Ian, an associate professor at the National University of Singapore and a nonresident scholar at Carnegie China.

Chinese state television in both Chinese and English is ubiquitous in Southeast Asia, as is China Radio International, which broadcasts in most Southeast Asian languages as well as Chinese. Beijing is also promoting its official news agency, Xinhua, to media organizations in the region, creating content-sharing agreements. Chinese companies or businesspeople with strong commercial interests in China have bought up local Chinese-language newspapers in Malaysia. This focus on traditional media organizations complements targeted disinformation campaigns on social media, with the goal of co-opting overseas Chinese communities “as vectors of influence abroad,” according to Albert Zhang, an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute’s international cyber policy center.

Apart from these direct efforts, the sheer weight of China’s economic power has become an incentive to heed Beijing’s wishes, undermining traditional constraints in Singapore on taking sides. Lianhe Zaobao, for instance, enjoys rare access for a foreign publication to audiences in China, and it has become dependent on that readership for advertising and growth. The newspaper’s leadership is loath to risk being shut out of the Chinese market by the country’s censors and has prioritized access over critical coverage, according to interviews with 10 former and current reporters who, like others, spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss issues freely.

Financial incentives also exist at smaller online outlets that rely on Chinese social-networking apps like WeChat for readers and advertising. An editor at an online Chinese-language outlet in Singapore admitted to self-censorship — avoiding political topics while pushing messaging that would be favorable to China — to preserve access to the app. Getting blocked is a “double cut,” the editor said, affecting both readership and advertising...

Lianhe Zaobao was unusual in that it served two audiences — in Singapore but also in China. As China began to open under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping in the 1980s, Zaobao’s reporting and commentaries were reprinted and circulated among higher-ranking CCP cadres. In 1993, the newspaper became available in Beijing hotel bookshops, and it went online two years later. It remains one of the few Chinese-language foreign-news websites accessible in China.

“We call it ‘one newspaper, two countries,’” said Lim Jim Koon, the paper’s former editor in chief, who spent more than three decades at Zaobao until retiring in 2011. “We know our value to China is that we offer something they don’t have. … We become a window for them.”

Even as the paper’s footprint in China grew, its readership steadily declined in Singapore in tandem with falling Mandarin proficiency, especially among the young. The paper has tried to attract a new digital audience — pushing video content and Facebook Live presentations as it establishes a brand with content created by millennials and Gen Zers — but its subscriber base has continued to dip. Zaobao’s combined print and digital circulation in Singapore fell from 187,900 in 2015 to 144,000 in 2020, according to company filings.

Amid falling revenue across the industry, Zaobao’s parent company, Singapore Press Holdings, in 2021 spun off its media business, including the English-language Straits Times and other vernacular papers, into a privately held trust, SPH Media. Circulation figures and other financial records are no longer available to the public.

Access to the Chinese market has become crucial for the publication. Zaobao has over 4 million monthly readers in China — almost twice the number of Mandarin speakers in all of Singapore, according to census data — and that access is monetized through advertising and paid advertorials from Chinese and other companies seeking to reach Chinese consumers, according to the reporters.

Zaobao still holds significant influence in Singapore, in part because of its historically close relationship with the government, which has long exercised tight control over the local media. Celebrations marking the paper’s anniversaries feature high-level Singapore officials, including the current prime minister. The newspaper also rates well on trust among readers, according to the Reuters Institute. Despite falling readership, SPH Media continues to have a monopoly over print news in Singapore.

The Zaobao reporters say a clear shift toward Beijing accelerated in 2019, when at the height of protests in Hong Kong, the newspaper’s main WeChat page was blocked. It remains inaccessible. The reason is unclear, but it was interpreted as a warning that other social media sites — including Zaobao’s account on Weibo, the major Chinese social media platform, and the Zaobao website itself — could be blocked. The version of the newspaper’s website in China is different from the one accessible in Singapore, and editors withhold sensitive stories from the Chinese version, according to several reporters.

Avoiding being blocked in China became the main priority of the newspaper’s senior leadership, according to several current and former reporters. “It underlines everything we do,” said one journalist at the paper. Protecting that access has spilled into the paper’s editorial direction more broadly, including its reporting for Singaporean readers, the reporters said. “We are doubly trapped,” between Singapore’s censorship and China’s, the journalist at the paper said.

In December 2021, the newspaper was granted an exclusive interview with Chinese tennis star Peng Shuai. Peng had said on her Weibo account that a former top CCP official had pressured her into sex; then she disappeared from public view. The six-minute Zaobao interview, in which she denied being sexually assaulted and said she was living freely, is the only time Peng has been seen or heard from directly since she posted the accusation. Some reporters said they believed the paper was handpicked to promulgate the party line, and that it was seen as more likely to be trusted by global audiences than a Chinese state media outlet.

It put “Zaobao in the light of helping the CCP say things,” said a former reporter. “It was that moment where you could see how the Chinese government allowing access to foreign media — because it is so few and far between — and Zaobao priding itself as a diplomatic channel and interpreter of Chinese thinking overlapped.”

More recently, the paper deferred to Beijing’s narrative on topics including last year’s “blank paper” protests against covid-19 lockdowns and CCP rule, as well as in coverage of the Chinese surveillance balloon shot down by the United States in February, in which stories routinely implied that the American reaction was irrational and a symptom of decline.

Zaobao also partners with a Chinese company that has been pinpointed as complicit in rights abuses. In late 2022, Zaobao started working on digitization efforts with an artificial intelligence firm called SenseTime, which has been placed under sanction by the U.S. government for the use of facial recognition technology against the Uyghur ethnic minority. Goh, Zaobao’s editor, said the partnership is a one-year arrangement “designed to explore ways of using AI technology to improve visual content presentation and user experience,” adding that Zaobao “has no wish to be embroiled in U.S.-China contests.”

“The Beijing-friendly impression Lianhe Zaobao gives its readers might … lead the Chinese audience to believe Singapore is more PRC-friendly than is justified by its U.S.-centered security policy,” said Sense Hofstede, a research fellow at the Clingendael Institute in the Netherlands, using the initials of the People’s Republic of China.

The changes within the paper come as a new Chinese ambassador to Singapore is more publicly pushing Beijing’s agenda. Sun Haiyan, who received her credentials in 2022, arrived from the International Liaison Department, a wing of the CCP that manages relations with political parties, rather than the Foreign Ministry. Soon after taking up her position, she established an “AmbChina.sg” Facebook page. She posts there at least once a day.

The Post reviewed all her public posts in 2022 and they overwhelmingly show her engaging with Chinese Singaporeans, Chinese-language media and Chinese associations over other ethnic groups. Among Sun’s first engagements was a meeting with a group of Chinese-language online outlets where, according to an editor present, she asked that they steer clear of sensitive topics, including China’s actions in Xinjiang and Tibet, where the United Nations found evidence of wide-ranging human rights abuses and forced assimilation. Sun told an editor at SPH Media, Zaobao’s parent company, that it should help tell positive stories about China, according to a person familiar with the exchange.

Propagating a pro-China line that “doesn’t distinguish between the Chinese Communist Party state, Chinese culture, Chinese ethnicity” creates “confusion over self-identification and where loyalties should lie, especially at a time where friction between the PRC, the U.S. and other U.S. friends and allies in the region are increasing,” said Chong, of the National University of Singapore...

Singapore’s government has scrutinized Sun’s outreach, according to several people familiar with the matter who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of diplomatic sensitivities. The government is also increasingly concerned about China’s influence more broadly. Speaking to a clan association — one of the organizations set up during British rule to support Chinese immigrants — at a Feb. 5 reception marking the Lunar New Year, Home Affairs Minister K Shanmugam urged the group to help nurture a “Singaporean Chinese culture so that our people remain rooted. … Help the government ensure Singapore’s policies can only be decided by Singaporeans.”

Shanmugam’s appeal was an unusually pointed statement from a government that is often circumspect on China so as not to upset ties with Beijing. It followed the prime minister’s Mandarin speech at last August’s National Day rally, where he said messages shared on social media — he named WeChat alongside WhatsApp and Telegram — have the “ulterior aim” of persuading Singaporeans to take sides.

Yet some Singapore Chinese groups are being pulled closer into Beijing’s orbit. Representatives of three clan associations — including Teochew Poit Ip Huay Kuan, one of the largest — attended the 10th Conference for Friendship of Overseas Chinese Associations in May, the first such conference held since the pandemic. Other Singapore groups, such as the Sian Chay Medical Institution, a charity, and the Singapore-China Business Association, also attended, alongside some 500 overseas Chinese from 130 countries. They were greeted by Xi and Shi Taifeng, head of China’s United Front Work Department, which coordinates Beijing’s influence operations. State media billed the event as helping to “knit the giant Chinese family together.” The Singapore groups that attended the conference did not respond to requests for comment.

Researchers say such conferences are part of China’s overall “United Front” strategy, in which political work is promoted by nonstate actors with the goal of pushing CCP views, discrediting opponents and gathering intelligence. Shi, speaking to attendees, emphasized the “unique advantage” that overseas Chinese have in contributing to the “greatness of the Chinese nation.”

“A lot of United Front appeals cross over to an appeal to Chinese ethnic nationalism,” said Gerry Groot, a senior lecturer at the University of Adelaide in Australia who does research on United Front work and the role of overseas Chinese in advancing it. Friendship “associations are designed to build emotional links to China on the one hand, and allow the United Front department to use those emotional and other connections as levers to serve the goals of the Communist Party, whether economic, political or social.”

Elderly Chinese, who were Mandarin-educated and feel as if they’ve lost their place in a Singapore that is largely Anglophone, are the most easily swayed by Beijing’s messaging, analysts and residents said. One person who describes her parents, in their 70s and 80s, as having “extreme” pro-China views said the CCP has become like a “fictional hero.”

“Being a Chinese national became their whole identity, though it isn’t even their identity,” she said.

A spokesperson at Singapore’s Ministry of Communications and Information said in an emailed response to The Post that the city-state “does not choose sides between the United States and the People’s Republic of China, but upholds consistent principles.” An internal government poll, the spokesperson said, found that 86 percent of Singaporeans agreed with the policy of nonpartisanship, with only 4 percent saying the country should lean toward China.

Singapore has intensified its efforts to reinforce the Singapore Chinese identity."

Sunday, April 14, 2024

The Bishan Gay in 1988

There hasn't been any new material on this chap since 2015, but oddly, in all the talk about him, almost no one mentions a prior conviction he had:

"Ex-relief teacher faces two gross indecency charges
The Straits Times, 25 September 1988, Page 15

A MAN was yesterday accused of acts of gross indecency to two secondary school boys while he was a relief teacher in a Bukit Timah school early this month.

In the dock was Cheng Hoe Huat, 26, who appeared in court with his lawyer about an hour late.

Cheng allegedly asked the victims, aged 14 and 15, to remove their shorts and underwear in a classroom at about 5 pm on Sept 2 and proceeded to masturbate them.

The offence carries a maximum punishment of two years' jail.

Mr N. S. Kang, for Cheng, said he had just been briefed and asked for a four-week adjournment.

Cheng's $2,000 bail was extended until further mention of his case on Oct 21."

For those who are unacquainted with this fella:

All You Need to Know about the Bishan Gay - Guidesify

Man gets 12 months for molesting boy in toilet at Bishan Junction 8, appealing

Friday, December 08, 2023

Too much of 'wokeism' can become too much of a good thing

Too much of 'wokeism' can become too much of a good thing | The Straits Times
Being woke, or socially conscious of injustice, is a good thing. But there is nothing to be gained from hyper-vigilantly policing other people's words and thoughts, waiting to pounce on their 'mistakes'.​

The "woke" movement seems to be gaining traction among the young people of Singapore today, judging from social media comments.

This should be a matter of some concern for everyone, whether or not you identify as woke, or socially aware, and even if you have no opinion on "wokeism" whatsoever.

This is because excessive adherence to woke concepts can have rather more serious consequences than devotion to K-drama or sports teams.

The basic premise of being woke is fairly simple to understand in itself. The term "woke" has seen widespread usage in the West for some years, and was added to the Oxford English Dictionary in 2017 as: "Originally: well informed, up to date. Now chiefly: alert to racial or social discrimination and injustice".

So if you are woke, your eyes are opened to various societal injustices, and you try your best not to perpetuate them and to raise awareness about them. You are also prepared to take a stand against them by, for example, censuring a friend or family member for a racist remark, or calling for policy changes on social media.

Sounds like a good thing, right?

Sure, but there can also be too much of a good thing.

Make no mistake: I wholeheartedly believe in what "wokeism" - as the woke movement is sometimes called - purports to achieve.

There is no question that I would rather live in a society that is respectful of individual differences and offers equal opportunity to all, rather than in one where discrimination and inequality are part of the status quo.

Entrenched stereotypes and biases held by the majority, the wealthy and the powerful can and often do unfairly stack the deck against minority groups.

At the same time, I cannot help but be dismayed by the toxic by-products generated by increasingly prominent strains of wokeism: conflict instead of compassion, constricted silence instead of open conversation, and far too many "truths" and not enough grace.

There are three ways, I think, by which wokeism can be taken too far and become too much of a good thing.

Firstly, it is a short slippery slope from taking a firm stand against discrimination to self-righteous bullying and ostracisation, especially when behind the veil of Internet anonymity.

So-called "cancel culture", for instance, is an extension of woke mindsets that involves denying money, attention or support for companies or people that are perceived to have offended others through what they say or do.

The underlying assumption is that if you disagree with what someone has said, you have the right to punish them, all the more so if there are enough people who agree with you.

Prominent past targets include Harry Potter author J. K. Rowling, who was judged to have tweeted remarks offensive to transsexual people last June.

Closer to home, celebrity blogger Xiaxue was dropped by sponsors last year after a police report was made against her for allegedly racist remarks tweeted in 2010.

But cancel culture has also made a victim of an African-American high school security guard who lost his job in 2019 for using an African-American racial slur while telling an African-American student not to direct the word at him.

There are times to be forceful when pushing for change, but I am not sure that punishing people for innocuous remarks taken out of context can count as a victory of any kind.

If the goal is harmony and a shared respect between different groups in society, then there is nothing to be gained from hyper-vigilantly policing other people's words and thoughts, waiting to pounce on their "mistakes".

Nothing except a smug sense of moral superiority, which is used to boost one's ego or salve one's conscience. We can and should be better than this.

Secondly, there is also a slippery slope from carving out a space for all shades of identity to coexist, to enabling the weaponisation of these identities and accentuating the differences between people instead.

The question is one of degree, and I think it fair to say that there is a clear difference between offering respectful reminders on minority viewpoints, and aggressively thrusting said viewpoints in the face of people who may not even be about to offend you.

One is needful, the other, at best, self-indulgent and entitled.

For example, I am a Chinese male and also a left-handed twin with a predilection for miniature schnauzers and extremely long novels.

Suppose I live in a matriarchal society of a certain culture, where being a Chinese male is a stigmatised minority.

If someone who loves miniature schnauzers strikes up a conversation with me, then the similarity is naturally what we focus on and how we relate to each other.

I don't have to force him or her to relate to me as a Chinese male, or to acknowledge the discrimination I may feel lifelong as a Chinese male, especially if they are neither Chinese nor male and doing so only makes them uncomfortably aware of how we are different.

Multiply this uncomfortable awareness a thousand times for every person we might have to communicate with across just one year, and you get an idea of how divisive a rigid overemphasis on certain aspects of identity can be.

What we will end up with, in the worst case scenario, is a society carved into thousands of pockets of micro-identities, each virulently hostile to all others for the simple crime of being different.

We are all made of composite identities. While being woke sensitises us to injustice, being human and considerate also teaches us to emphasise common identities, not always pick at differentiated ones.

Thirdly, the strong emotions aroused by wokeism can equally be harnessed to effect genuine change or be exploited to serve the agenda of malicious, opportunistic individuals.

Last week, the Capitol Hill riots in the United States demonstrated just how much damage an emotional mob can do to a hallowed societal institution when incited by a sufficiently powerful and unscrupulous person.

Young people attracted to woke ideas must be alert to the possibility that their good intentions can turn rancid.

The irony is that, at its most pernicious, wokeism can become exactly what it says it is fighting - an ideological sledgehammer that brooks no dissent and creates a new unthinking binary between those who are woke, and those who are not. Wokeism at its worst creates a new in-group and out-group.

Sensible woke people understand this and exercise their social consciousness with consideration, and do not demand that others come on board the journey immediately, or leave the vessel.

I doubt I am alone in being sceptical and a little worried about the excesses of the woke movement and would encourage those with similar concerns to voice them.

If not, we are tacitly allowing the more vocal and extreme adherents of wokeism to shape and dominate discourse just because they are willing to be louder, to the point that their message becomes the only message.

And if that is what being woke means, then I would much rather stay asleep.


Related:

Jason Wong (mirror)

"Many of you know that I initiated a national social movement - the Yellow Ribbon Project - with the aim to educate the public on the plight of ex-offenders and eliminate such prejudices against them. I am glad that as a result of this social movement, many in society have become ‘woke’, and many of our ex-offenders have found second chances and are now living meaningful and purposeful lives...

Applying this to the Yellow Ribbon Project, extreme wokeism may look like this: someone may blame the tough drug laws for the plight of ex-drug addicts and argue for the legalisation of recreational drugs as the way to help drug addicts. Or he may lay the blame fully on employers and discriminatory practices when ex-offenders can’t find employment instead of the unwillingness of some of these ex-offenders to take on lower paying jobs or going for re-skilling to enhance their job search opportunities.
 
Applying this to a hot button issue in society – LGBTQ – may be food for thought. I agree with many that we should not discriminate against anyone, including those who identify as LGBTQ, for they too are human beings that should be treated with dignity and respect. However, recent episodes have led me to see how the cancel culture is driven by some from the LGBTQ community, and those who are sympathetic and “woke”. Let me explain. 
 
LGBTQ persons who do not agree with the views of the LGBTQ activists are increasingly being bullied and cancelled. A growing number of people have shared their stories on Truelove.is about how they have chosen to “come home” and leave their past behind. They shared how they overcame their depression, mistakes and wrong choices, and are now living happier and healthier lives.
 
However, not everyone shares their joy. Some people have worked together to have Facebook ban TrueLove.Is’ sponsored posts so that the stories of overcomers cannot be promoted (see link in Comment). Others are pressuring the Government to ban the professional, and (for some) spiritual, help that have benefited these overcomers. Banning such support will deprive those who need help from receiving the help that they desire.
 
Such behaviour (or rather misbehaviour) by these ‘wokeists’ reminds me of my previous season as a prison officer. When members from the “Sah Lak Kau” or “Sio Kun Tong” want to leave their gangs (which, to many of them, is the only community that they identify with), most would be ostracised. Some have to pay a high price before they are allowed to do so. Amongst those who remain in the gang, some are quietly wishing that they were brave enough to leave too.
 
I know of LGBTQ persons who are attracted to what the overcomers are sharing, just that they are too afraid of being cancelled by their own community. They are deprived of opportunities to explore what they deem to be a healthier and more joyful life. And this does not only affect LGBTQ persons, but also the people around them who care for them – their spouse and family members.
 
Every one of us play a part in culture, whether we stay silent or whether we speak up. I encourage us to speak up against extreme wokeism; just because some people are willing to be louder does not mean that other voices should not be heard. Let’s speak up respectfully and honour one another, and together we can enable our society to thrive for generations."

Wednesday, June 28, 2023

Reasons Parents send their kids for Tuition in Singapore

There is a school of thought that in Singapore, parents send their children to tuition because of the deficiencies of the educational system and that reforms such as reducing the student:teacher ratio will reduce the popularity of tuition.

This school of thought is wrong, since parents send their children to tuition so they can do better than (or at least keep up with) other children. Given that relative performance is a positional good, improving the educational system helps all students and will not reduce the demand for tuition:

"Parents in Singapore rely on tuition as the vehicle for their children to qualify for prestigious public schools and universities through bettering their exam results. A survey of 500 parents shows that the top two reasons for paying for tuition for their children are to improve their children’s grades and to help them keep up with others (Davie 2015a). This suggests a mentality of parentocracy where parents wish to give their children a head start in life by outperforming their peers in high-stakes exams in a highly competitive society. A mother of a child who is in primary five said that her daughter had performed poorly in school as she was the only pupil in her class who did not receive tuition (Davie 2015b). Another mother of a primary school child commented on the pressure to pay for private tuition for her child:

PSLE is a ranking exam and decides which stream and secondary school my child will enter. If everyone else is getting tuition to improve their results, then how can I not provide tuition for my child? She will lose out’’ (cited in Davie 2015b. para. 32).

Rather than viewing private supplementary tutoring as resulting in greater educational inequalities, most parents in Singapore perceive it as a means of promoting equal opportunity and social mobility by improving their children’s test scores. The majority of parents, and not just the wealthier and better-educated ones, are keen to optimise the learning conditions for their children through tuition and enrichment programmes (Davies 2015b). In so doing, they express their desire and commitment to assist their children to succeed in schools and boost their children’s ‘home advantage’ (Davies 2004). Unlike the case elsewhere where private supplementary tutoring works ‘‘in the interests of the already advantaged’’ (Coldron et al. 2010, p. 26), tutoring is welcomed by and within the reach of all parents, even low-income families, as a tool to upgrading one’s station in life (Yang 2015). The massification of tuition in Singapore reflects a socio-political logic of parental consumer choice and free-market mechanisms (Barrett DeWiele and Edgerton 2016)...

The function of PSLE as a screening and placement exercise based on the pupil’s exam results explains why as many as 80% of primary school children receive tuition that prepare students for high-stakes exams (Davie 2015a)... A mathematics tutor noted that tuition is viewed as a must-have by parents as the PSLE is a ‘‘do-or-die exam and a ticket to a good school. Parents will do their best to maximise their kid’s potential’’ (cited in Lee 2015). That the majority of parents—regardless of wealth and educational qualification—are prepared to spend on tuition shows that they believe in the meritocratic process of achieving academic success... The wash-back effect of high-stakes exams has triggered down to pre-school education where parents of young children rely on tuition to prepare their children for primary education. As noted by a parent,

In the past, it was all play and just learning the ABCs in kindergarten. But now, by K1 [Kindergarten Grade 1], you need to learn how to count and read, to be on a par with everyone else (cited in Teng 2015b, para. 10)...

The aspiration of parents to give their children a competitive edge through private supplementary tutoring does not mean that such tutoring is efficacious in improving the students’ exam scores and enhancing their life chances. To date, there is no empirical evidence that establishes a causal relationship between private supplementary tutoring in Singapore on the one hand and improved academic results and admission to elite schools on the other...

The relatively high level of equity for students in Singapore to succeed academically is noted in a report from OECD. Based on an analysis of data from the PISA 2012 results, the report concludes that 15.1% of disadvantaged students in Singapore performed among the top 25% of students across all participating countries and economies, after accounting for economic, social and cultural status (OECD 2013). That the percentage in Singapore is more than double the OECD average of 6.4% attests to a relatively high proportion of ‘resilient students’ who beat the socioeconomic odds against them and exceed expectations (OECD 2013)"

--- Private Supplementary Tutoring and Parentocracy in Singapore / Charlene Tan

Related:

Tuition has become an educational arms race | The Straits Times

7 in 10 parents send their children for tuition: ST poll | The Straits Times

"Nexus Link chief methodologist Jack Loo said the survey clearly showed that parents sent their children for tuition not because they believed grades will rise but because of peer pressure and competition.

"Parents perceive tuition as a form of safety net and something that is necessary because everyone else is doing it," he said.

Experts such as Nanyang Technological University economist Eus- ton Quah noted that the high prevalence of tuition does not indicate a lack of confidence in the education system. "It could simply be the consequence of an increased climate of competition," he said."

Starting from pre-school, parents sending kids for classes in race to keep up with peers | The Straits Times

"The most common reason for tuition - cited by more than half of the parents with children under seven - was to keep up with others.

About a third of them hoped that tuition would improve their children's grades, while 15 per cent said it was to help them in their personal development."

An article I had been looking for for a long time, which it turned out I had earlier archived on my Livejournal:

Enrich or die? (2010)

"When her third child came, Miss L explained, she had resolved to give him a more relaxed childhood. The boy was spared the blitzkrieg of enrichment classes his elder siblings went through.

But barely two weeks after the boy entered Primary One, Miss L received a phone call from his Chinese teacher.

Of the 30 students in her class, the teacher said, 28 already knew Hanyu Pinyin (the romanisation system for Mandarin), even though she was only supposed to be teaching it in the months ahead. Miss L's son was one of the two that didn't.

The teacher said she couldn't hold 28 kids back for the sake of two.

Miss L promptly bundled her son off to an intensive Hanyu Pinyin class that cramped 6 months' worth of curriculum into 8 sessions.

The best part, my old classmates and I learnt, was that this took place not in an elite school, but in a neighbourhood school, somewhere in Tampines."

Monday, May 15, 2023

A PRC urges his countrymen not to go to Singapore to work


"新加坡呢, 我劝大家还是不要来(了)。

最近有很多朋友给我发私信说。小亮呀,看你在新加坡打工挺好的。干两年挣个20多万。我也想去打(工)。我能过去吗?

来这边打工吧, 只要你年龄不超过50岁, 身体健康,没有什么传染病的话,是都可以过来。 但是啊,大家也不要吧新加坡想象的这么好。

我不知道你们刷视频有没有刷到过,在新加坡做建筑工,每天顶着30多度的高温, 在外面做工。 开车的司机, 早上一上车, 就是十四五个小时。或者饭店里的帮厨。那都是非常非常累的。明天最少工作12个小时,累的腰酸,悲痛,还在坚持。

甚至有的休息的时候不舍得休息。还要去加班。就是为了多挣点儿。

在这边超市里的东西,那看着价格都不舍得买,就是为了多省两(个)。为了将来回国的时候,多拿回去两(个)。

在新加坡干两年吧,确实能挣点钱。但那也都是啊。一点儿,一点儿,从牙缝儿里省出来的。

甚至有很多朋友啊,剪头发都自己剪。或者同事同事之间,互相剪头(发)。

所以说呀,在你想出国打工的时候啊,一定要好好考虑考虑,以免到这边之后啊,再后悔,因为一时冲动。

你们说对吗,朋友们?"

 

Translation:

 "So, Singapore. I urge everyone not to come here.

Recently, many friends sent me private messages and asked, Xiao Liang, it seems your working in Singapore is a good thing. Working for 2 years, you make over 200,000 RMB. I want to go to Singapore to work too. Can I?

If you want to come here to work, as long as you're not over 50, you're healthy and you have no infectious diseases, you'll have no problems coming over. However, don't think that Singapore is that great.

I don't know if you've seen this while swiping on videos, but to do construction work in Singapore, you need to bear highs of over 30 degrees daily, working outdoors. Drivers start work in the early morning and work for 14-15 hours. Or food & beverage kitchen assistants. That is very tiring work. Every day you need to work for at least 12 hours. You'll be tired, your midriff will ache and your back hurt, but you'll need to carry on.

Some people can't bear to rest, but put in overtime. All just to earn a bit more money.

In the supermarkets here, when you see the prices you won't be able to bear to buy things, just to save some money. So that when you return to China, you'll have a bit more money.

Working in Singapore for 2 years, you really can earn some money. But that's the issue. You'll save a bit at a time, through gritted teeth.

This is so much the case, that I have many friends who cut each other's hair. Or colleagues cut each other's hair.

So, when you consider going overseas to work, you need to consider carefully, to avoid regret once you arrive here after making your decision in a moment of rashness.

Would you agree, friends?"

Saturday, November 05, 2022

‘Chinese privilege’ as shortcut in Singapore: a rejoinder

‘Chinese privilege’ as shortcut in Singapore: a rejoinder

"We disagree with Humairah Zainal and Walid Jumblatt Abdullah that Chinese privilege exists in Singapore politics and that it is perpetuated by the political hegemony of the long-ruling People’s Action Party (PAP). Consequentially, we disagree that ‘Chinese privilege’ is thus a useful concept for understanding politics in Singapore. Our rejoinder argues that ‘Chinese privilege’ is under-specified and decontextualized by the authors, used uncritically as a shortcut for the consequences of the long-ruling party’s political hegemony for ethnic relations, and is therefore a polarizing distraction to the critical analysis required to advance anti-racism discourse and understanding in Singapore. We show that the authors have mistook incumbent political privilege for Chinese privilege. We argue that ethnic majority and minority Members of Parliament from both governing and opposition parties have had to simultaneously serve as community leaders and transcend ethnic affiliations to represent national interests...

Humairah and Walid take it for granted that ‘Chinese privilege’ exists solely because there is a Chinese majority. This assumption empties the concept of any local and historical nuances such as the deep intertwining of language, education, and ethnicity. Conscientious students of politics in Singapore would know that the term cannot apply to the Chinese-educated who saw their Chinese-medium schools disappear from the landscape and replaced by English-medium schools in the early years of the country’s industrialisation. The same groups also suffered the loss of employment opportunities when English-medium education was preferred over Chinese-medium education. What about the concerns over the loss of Chinese dialects and the alienation of the older generations in the state’s drive to promote Mandarin as lingua franca of the Chinese population? Would the authors then argue that ‘Chinese privilege’ was enjoyed only by English-educated Chinese and not Chinese-educated Chinese, or only by Mandarin- speaking Chinese and not dialect-speaking Chinese? Their vaguely defined concept is akin to a poorly polished lens that fails to pick up important cultural nuances.

The fact of the matter is that, in addition to race, identity politics comprises language, ethnicity, and class, all of which have deep historical specificity in postcolonial Singapore. This fact is obscured by the authors’ simplistic application of the concept to the local. The treatment given by Humairah and Walid to the phrase ‘Chinese’ in ‘Chinese privilege’ reduces a complex ethnicity into a one-dimensional racial identity. Their homogenisation of ‘Chinese’ is arguably what the postcolonial state was trying to do with its education and cultural policies which targeted the diverse Chinese-educated and dialect- speaking groups that make up the Chinese population in Singapore. On the other hand, historians, sociologists, and anthropologists have studied and highlighted the complexities of being Chinese and becoming Singaporean, as befitting a diverse diasporic group struggling for political accommodation in the making of a multiracial, multi-ethnic, and multicultural nation-state. It would be very relevant and interesting for an article to study the interaction between the ruling party’s political hegemony and the complexities of Chinese-ness for a journal such as Asian Ethnicity. However, the concept of ‘Chinese privilege’, because of its straight-jacketed application to a complex community with a multiplicity of class, linguistic, and educational fissures, short-circuits this engagement and causes Humairah and Walid to neglect this crucial body of local scholarship.

Secondly, the authors make no distinction between ‘Chinese privilege’ and the advantages of political incumbency. Their lack of distinction blurs the conceptual contours of ‘Chinese privilege’ allowing the concept to be anything for anyone...

The bar for ‘Chinese privilege’ seems to be set rather low. Humairah and Walid argue that minority Malay or Indian parliamentarians feel the consequences of ‘Chinese privilege’ because they are expected to ‘become de facto leaders of their communities’ while ‘simultaneously expected to transcend those ethnic identifications.’ Chinese MPs, on the other hand, according to the authors, enjoy ‘Chinese privilege’ because they do not face this dilemma. Such arguments ignore the complexity of contemporary identity politics and flies against the face of evidence. Ethnic Chinese MPs too have to walk the fine line between ‘community’ and ‘national’ interests. The rise of China as an economic and geopolitical power over the last two decades has placed pressure on Chinese communities in Southeast Asia, not least Singapore. Many older and more conservative Chinese Singaporeans might feel cultu- rally connected to China and thus instinctively supportive of Beijing’s interests, while others are cognisant that such support may be at odds with their country’s interest. So too ethnic Chinese MPs, whether of the PAP or opposition variety, have to constantly balance the strong support that their constituencies might have for China with the need to advance national interests which might, from time to time, contradict Beijing’s interests. In short, the authors’ claim that ‘minority MPs are expected to go beyond ethnicity, and at times, minimize their ethnic affiliations’ should be extended to ethnic Chinese MPs too. The point here is that toggling between the interests of one’s ethnic community and those of the nation is not unique to ethnic minority MPs, and is certainly a low bar for a demonstration of ‘Chinese privilege’.

The example of the longest-serving opposition MP, Low Thia Khiang, who served from 1991 to 2020 and was WP’s leader, is instructive in this regard. He was driven to politics by the injustice of the closure of the region’s only Chinese-medium university, Nanyang University, his alma mater, by the PAP government and the discrimination faced by its Chinese-educated graduates. He won his seat amidst the PAP parliamentary monopoly in a constituency composed of tight-knit Teochew-speaking communities, with which he formed close personal relationships by speaking the dialect and assiduously attending community events such as Chinese religious and festive celebrations and funeral wakes. He was initially deemed a parochial MP representing ethnic Chinese interests. He was laughed at by the English- educated elites of the PAP for his halting command of the English language, but eventually won their grudging respect by learning to debate with them in English in a principled manner. In recent years, he also won the respect of the government leadership for calling on Singapore to carve its own multicultural Chinese identity in the context of China’s rising assertiveness in the region...

The authors misdiagnose PAP privilege for ‘Chinese privilege’... the authors make no clear attempt to demonstrate how the GRC (which guarantees minority presence in parliament) or the Reserved Presidency (which guarantees a minority president at regular intervals) perpetuate ‘Chinese privilege’ or ‘Chinese hegemony’. They fail to explain why the purportedly ‘Chinese’ ruling elite would seek to provide for more minority representation when it would be far easier to leave elections results in the hands of the Chinese voting majority. In fact, the PAP leaders acknowledged that they were expending their political capital by championing the Reserved Presidency despite public opposition because they believed this would firm up the multiracial character of the state. In other words, if political hegemony sustains ‘Chinese privilege’ as the authors claim, why would the PAP elite seek to implement mechanisms that ensure minority presence to their political cost? The more accurate explanation for GRCs and the Reserved Presidency is that they better serve PAP privilege, making it much harder for opposition politicians and anti-establishment figures to gain access to Parliament and the Presidency...

It is necessary to have conceptually clear and intellectually rigorous commentaries which seek to investigate race and race relations in Singapore. The easy borrowing of popular phrases and labels just will not do. Like Miriyam Aouragh, we think the concept of ‘white privilege’ has been increasingly exported out of the historical context of the US and deployed as a shortcut taking over the analysis of racism that is detrimental to trans- national and trans-ethnic anti-racism movements and scholarship. ‘Chinese privilege’ has appeared as an uncritically imported shortcut in Singapore in recent years, with little evidence to prove its existence other than the prescribed racial identities of those whose actions and articulations are being interpreted.

The result is that ‘Chinese privilege’ has become a pleasurable act of Foucauldian confession by some well-intentioned Singaporeans to reinforce their feelings of goodness and purity while avoiding genuine anti-racism actions, as Claire Lockard has written of ‘white privilege’ in the US. The danger then is a performative discourse by scholars and such Singaporeans alike, full of sound and fury, ultimately signifying nothing."

Thursday, July 21, 2022

You can take the Singaporean out of Singapore, but you can't take Singapore out of the Singaporean

In an expat Singaporean group:

A: Quick question, apologize if it’s been discussed previously. Will I need to leave this group if I eventually leave [country] and return to [Singapore]?

B: Only a Singaporean would ask this... whatever you want lah, you won’t get fined or summoned.

C: lol. My wife (non-singaporean) is always amazed at how we follow most rules to a T. Not a bad trait but this takes the cake!

D: You’ll have to self isolate for 3 mths, and tested negative for kiasuism before you’re allowed back in the group.

Thursday, July 14, 2022

New laws to fight online trolls should specify timeline for removal of harmful content: Experts

Need to tackle discriminatory beliefs in fight against online harms

When Tara (not her real name) received an anonymous message on Instagram threatening to post sexually explicit photos of her along with her real name online, she felt at a loss as to what to do.

Reporting the threat to the police was one option, but the photos in question had been posted by the 24-year-old herself last year, using a pseudonym on the online adult content platform OnlyFans.

"I was worried I might get into trouble instead if I reported the person to the police, especially after the Titus Low incident," she said.

She was referring to the influencer who is awaiting trial after being charged with transmitting obscene materials by electronic means last December. Low had posted nude photos of himself on OnlyFans.

The only other avenue Tara felt she had was to report the user to the social media platform.

Over the next few weeks, Tara lived in fear that compromising photos of her could be leaked online.

She was also worried that photos might not be taken down swiftly even after flagging them to the platforms - a commonly heard complaint.

Tara spent a few hours every day for about a month regularly searching the Internet for her own name and usernames. She was relieved that nothing noteworthy came up.

"In the end, I decided to just close my OnlyFans account and keep a low profile. Thankfully, it seems like the person didn't follow through with the threat to expose me," she said.

The anonymous account of her stalker was blocked about two days after she reported it.

When Singapore's new codes of practice to combat online harms take effect, users like Tara who experience online harassment or are victims of "revenge porn" will have more assurance that corrective actions will be carried out swiftly.

She could also have more options to report such unwanted interactions.

Under the proposed Code of Practice for Online Safety and the Content Code for Social Media Services, the platforms will also need to ensure additional safeguards for users who are under 18 years old, and more options to report unwanted interactions.

The codes will also cover other kinds of harmful content, such as racially offensive videos and posts that incite violence.

The Ministry of Communications and Information (MCI) has not released details about the specific requirements under the new codes as they are still being developed in collaboration with social media platforms.

However, some similar laws that have been enacted elsewhere indicate a takedown timeframe of 24 hours.

Germany's Network Enforcement Act - which took effect in 2018 - requires online platforms with more than two million local users to take down or remove clearly harmful online content within 24 hours of receiving a user complaint.

Australia's Online Safety Act, which came into force in January this year, also grants the same time limit for platforms to remove harmful material after being notified by the country's online safety regulator, eSafety.

Tara said she hopes Singapore's new rules will impose a stricter timeline for social media platforms to respond, as a lot of reputational damage and harm can take place in a short length of time.

"Even 24 hours is too long, as the photos and information could quickly spread outside of the platform and it will be too late to contain it. Ideally, it should be as immediate as possible," she said.

But experts and observers said having Singapore's laws impose a single fixed timeframe to review user reports and remove all kinds of harmful content would be too restrictive. They proposed a range of time limits instead.

"They are asked to make a judgment call (on the content)… it might not be possible for them to do it within 24 hours," said Mr Gilbert Leong, a senior partner at law firm Dentons Rodyk & Davison.

Mr Leong said that the range of time limits can be based on severity of harm. For example, a video inciting a racial riot or a school shooting should be taken down immediately before it goes viral.

For other cases where it is not obvious whether or not the content is harmful, social media platforms could be given up to seven or 14 days to make a decision, said Reed Smith lawyer Bryan Tan.

Germany's Network Enforcement Act allows social media platforms up to seven days to act on a user complaint in situations where the harmful content is not so clear.

One of the criticisms of the present reporting procedures of certain social media platforms is that the moderators employed to handle such reports are not responsive or are slow to respond to such reports.

"By the time something is done, the harmful content may have already gone viral," said Withers KhattarWong lawyer Jonathan Kok.

He suggested requiring social media platforms to regularly test their reporting procedures.

Experts also said tech platforms could do more to help victims gather evidence against online harassers.

For instance, victims should be able to obtain information from tech platforms to identify their harassers, which will be useful when lodging police reports or commencing lawsuits under the Protection from Harassment Act, said Mr Leong.

More protection for users who are under 18 years old can also be expected when Singapore's new rules kick in, but tech platforms are expected to be given the flexibility to choose the tools to use.

Last month, Meta started testing on Instagram a new age verification tool, which screens people trying to change their age from under 18 to that or older. These users are required to record a video selfie, which will be analysed by artificial intelligence software to determine their real age. Friends in their network will also be called on to verify their reported age.

Tech firms can expect to face fines if they fail to comply with the new laws, similar to what is rolled out elsewhere.

For instance, the European Union's proposed Digital Services Act and Britain's proposed Online Safety Bill specify fines of up to 6 per cent and 10 per cent, respectively, of the non-compliant firm's annual global turnover.

This approach is not new in Singapore, said Mr Leong, noting that an upcoming amendment to the Personal Data Protection Act will allow large non-compliant firms to be fined up to 10 per cent of their annual turnover here.

He suggested temporarily shutting down local access to the errant platform as another possible penalty. This punishment is set out in the EU's Digital Services Act and Britain's Online Safety Bill.

"Maybe that will be more effective. The platforms have a lot of advertising revenue, and this (penalty) may hurt them more than a fine," said Mr Leong.

When contacted, Twitter, Meta and TikTok said they are working on more methods to better protect users, but added they already have measures to combat online harm.

TikTok's head of public policy for South-east Asia and Singapore Teresa Tan said the platform proactively enforces its community guidelines using a mix of technology and human moderation.

For instance, the platform trains its safety moderation team to identify signs that an account may be used by a child under the age of 13 so it can remove suspected underaged account holders. It also analyses keywords used by users and crowdsource reports from the TikTok community to surface potential underage accounts.

Twitter said it has taken steps to not amplify or recommend potentially harmful content to its users, among other things. "This is driven by a hybrid of tech and human review that allows us to respect the uniqueness and culturally-specific nuances of online speech, while using tech to proactively remove particular patterns of egregious behaviors, such as terrorism, predictable forms of account-level abuse, and child sexual exploitation," it said.

Tara, the former OnlyFans user, said she is glad moves are being made to raise standards for online safety.

She added: "It is a recognition that what happens online can be just as harmful as in real life and holds social media companies responsible for ensuring they aren't being abused."

 

It is interesting that someone reposting the (illegal) photos that you yourself posted is framed as "online harassment" or "revenge porn" - this is a great example of LPPL

But in any event, the new laws won't help people like "Tara": as The Honourable Choo Han Teck J noted in Buergin Juerg v Public Prosecutor 2013, "I am not aware of any known defence in criminal law that a person is not guilty of an offence if he was a victim of some other offence"

Wednesday, May 04, 2022

Drunkenness (inebriation) and criminal liability in Singapore and Malaysia

Someone claimed that "You can get off the hook for criminal cases if inebriated for a specific crime of intent", so I dug this article up:

 

"With only minor exceptions, the intoxication rules in the Indian, Singaporean, and similar Penal Codes do not create an affirmative defence. Indeed, one can go further. Given the fundamental structure of modern criminal law, it is logically impossible for the core intoxication doctrine to operate as an affirmative, substantive-law defence. This holds equally under the common law as it does under the Indian Penal Code and its regional variants...

First, consider a case under the Indian or Singaporean Penal Codes where the defendant does actually have mens rea. Suppose that D is (involuntarily) intoxicated. Someone has spiked his drink or his food. While in that condition, D attacks and injures V with intent to do so. Suppose further that D would not have acted as he did but for being intoxicated. None the less, in such a case, D straightforwardly commits the offence of voluntarily causing hurt. He satisfies the actus reus and mens rea of the offence...

In R v. Kingston, D went to P's flat by invitation to discuss a business proposition. Once there, he was given coffee that P had deliberately laced with drugs. D was then led by P to a bedroom where a young boy, also drugged, lay unconscious on the bed. D indecently assaulted the boy. P filmed the activity and subsequently sought to blackmail D. When the matter came to light, D was charged with indecent assault. His conviction was upheld by the House of Lords on the basis that D had mens rea at the time. D was aware of what he was doing; his claim was only that, but for being surreptitiously drugged, he would not have acted as he did. On these facts, intoxication was held to be irrelevant to the substantive law: a drugged intent is still an intent. No doubt the circumstances of the offence called for some mitigation of sentence. However, given that the respondent had mens rea and no supervening defence was available, D's conviction was inevitable.

Supervening detences are capable of exculpating when the prima facie offence is proved. The core intoxication doctrines do not do that...

The core intoxication doctrines are inculpatory, not excusatory. They give the prosecution an alternative route to establish the mens rea requirement. If the doctrinal elements are satisfied, the law will deem D to have mens rea—a legal fiction. As such, the intoxication rules aid the prosecution, not the defendant. Where they apply, they relieve the prosecution of the need to prove that D actually had mens rea. It follows that those rules are not, in terms of substantive law, a defence...

Section 321 requires proof of intention or knowledge of likelihood. How does the intoxication doctrine allow the courts to dispense with this explicit requirement? The primary work, it is submitted, is done by s. 85(1) in the Singaporean Penal Code: "Except as provided in this section and in section 86, intoxication shall not constitute a defence to any criminal criminal charge"...

In terms of substantive legal doctrine, neither alibi nor intoxication is a defence. They do not supervene to generate an acquittal despite proof of the actus reus and mens rea elements of an offence. In the case of intoxication, indeed, it is quite the opposite. The fact of intoxication generates a denial of mens rea, but the legal doctrine is inculpatory...

That said, there are two situations where s. 85(2) can potentially operate as a true supervening defence, preventing conviction even though D does in fact have mens rea. Recall the terms of s. 85(2):

(2) Intoxication shall be a defence to any criminal charge if by reason thereof the person charged at the time of the act or omission complained of did not know that such act or omission was wrong or did not know what he was doing and—
(a) the state of intoxication was caused without his consent by the malicious or negligent act of another person; or
(b) the person charged was, by reason of intoxication, insane, temporarily or otherwise, at the time of such act or omission.

Under this subsection, intoxication is available as a defence under certain circumstances if D did the actus reus when he "did not know that such act or omission was wrong or did not know what he was doing". Normally, if D "did not know what he was doing", he would lack mens rea. However, it is possible for D to have mens rea, yet fall within the scope of s. 85(2), when he does not know that his conduct is wrong. In that event, D will be entitled to a supervening defence if either the intoxication is 'involuntary' under paragraph (a), i.e. "caused without his consent by the malicious or negligent act of another person"; or if, under paragraph (b), D is, "by reason of intoxication, insane, temporarily or otherwise, at the time", in which case D falls to be dealt with as if he were of unsound mind.

Such scenarios are likely to be rare in the extreme. In practice, the only kinds of cases where D might advertently do the actus reus, yet be entitled to a supervening defence of intoxication, are those where the intoxication triggers a condition analogous to insanity...

Because intoxication is so often said to be a defence, it comes as no surprise that the courts have ruled that the burden of proving its application falls on the defendant...

Not every common law jurisdiction has special intoxication rules, and it is an open question whether such special rules, with all their complexity and confusion, are really needed. In a typical drunken assault, the defendant is hardly an automaton. He is severely disinhibited and, no doubt, his chosen course of conduct is influenced by the alcohol (or other substances) he has taken. But he still intends to hit someone...

There seem to be very few cases where drunken violence occurs without mens rea, and it is arguable that the confusion caused by the intoxication rules is not worth the true value they deliver...

Writers and judges are sometimes exercised by their concern to argue that (voluntary) intoxication should never excuse wrongdoing. This worry misses the fact that, so far as the core intoxication doctrines are concerned, it does not. However, to see this, we must start from the basic principles of criminal law, and not lose sight of them. Actus non facit reum nisi mens sit rea nowadays means that, before convicting, the court must be satisfied that the defendant fulfilled both actus reus and mens rea elements of the offence charged.

Centuries ago, the common law regarded the absence of mens rea as an excuse. It no longer does so, and mens rea is now a fundamental positive requirement of criminal liability. Once we accept that foundational precept—as modern criminal law does—it becomes logically impossible for the core intoxication doctrines to be a supervening defence, whether under the original Indian Penal Code, its 1935 revision, or even at common law. The 'defence' is no more than an assertion that D lacked mens rea that the positive requirements of the offence have not been satisfied. The main function of our intoxication doctrines, both at common law and under ss. 85 86, is to secure D's conviction despite the fact that he does not fulfil the mens rea requirements specified for the offence. It enables the prosecution to override the statutory and common law requirement to prove the elements of the offence. This cannot serve a supervening defence function. And if the legislators ever thought otherwise, they were conceptually, necessarily, mistaken. But it seems more likely that they meant the language of defences in the same non-technical sense in which an alibi is a defence—not in terms of substantive legal doctrine"

--- GETTING DRUNK IN SINGAPORE AND MALAYSIA / A. P. Simester in Singapore Journal of Legal Studies (July 2012)

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