The difference being that the Arabic Nakba is actually their failure to kill the Jews:
Our Nakba
How the Arab World Expelled Its Jews and Called the Result Colonialism
The German ambassador to Egypt works out of a house that used to belong to a Jewish family. So does the Swiss ambassador. So does the American one. The homes were confiscated in 1956, when the Egyptian government declared, in a proclamation read aloud from the minarets of Cairo and Alexandria, that all Jews were Zionists and enemies of the state. The families were given one suitcase. They signed documents “donating” everything else to the government. Then they left. The houses are still there. The families are not.
This is where the argument about Israel begins. Not in Europe. Here.
There is a story told about Israel with remarkable confidence in universities, at the United Nations, in the opinion sections of newspapers that should know better. The story goes like this: European Jews, traumatized by European persecution, arrived in a land populated by indigenous Arabs and established, by force, a settler state. European guilt. European migration. European power. Colonialism wearing a Star of David.
The story requires you to ignore the majority of Israelis.
Mizrahi Jews, those whose ancestry traces to Iraq, Iran, Yemen, Egypt, Morocco, Libya, Syria, Tunisia, Algeria, and Lebanon, constitute the largest demographic bloc in Israel’s Jewish population, somewhere between 45 and 61 percent depending on how intermarriage and self-identification are counted. No serious demographer disputes the basic fact. They are not European. They are the descendants of communities that lived in the Middle East and North Africa for over two thousand years before the word “Europe” carried any political meaning. Many trace their origins to the Babylonian exile of 586 BCE. Their families were in Baghdad before Rome was a city. They were in Sana’a and Cairo and Tripoli while the ancestors of today’s loudest anti-Zionists were still pagans in northern forests.
By every definition that the language of indigenous rights claims to honor, they are indigenous people of the Middle East.
The colonial thesis does not complicate this fact. It requires its erasure.
These communities did not arrive in Iraq and Yemen and Egypt from Europe or from nowhere. They arrived from the Land of Israel, carried there by the conquests and expulsions that defined the ancient world. The Babylonian exile of 586 BCE brought Jews to Mesopotamia when Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the First Temple and deported the population of Judea. Later waves followed the Assyrian conquest, the Roman destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE, and the subsequent dispersions that scattered Jewish communities across the region. The Jews of Baghdad, of Sana’a, of Cairo, of Tripoli were not immigrants to the Middle East from somewhere else. They were the exiled children of the Land of Israel, living in the lands to which conquest had driven them, maintaining their language, their texts, and their memory of home across two thousand years. When they came to Israel in the twentieth century, they were not arriving as colonizers. They were returning.
To understand what was lost, you have to know what existed.
The Jews of Iraq were among the oldest continuous Jewish communities on earth. Their roots in Babylonia stretch to the destruction of the First Temple. They did not merely survive in Iraq. They built there. The Talmud, the central text of Jewish law and life that has governed Jewish practice for fifteen centuries, was composed in Babylon, in the academies of Sura and Pumbedita, on the soil of what is now modern Iraq. By the early twentieth century, Jews made up roughly a third of Baghdad’s population. They were merchants, musicians, government officials, doctors, bankers. They spoke Judeo-Arabic and prayed in Hebrew and had done both, without interruption, for two and a half millennia.
The Jews of Yemen maintained a liturgical tradition so ancient and so isolated from the rest of the Jewish world that scholars of Hebrew phonetics study it today to understand how the language was originally pronounced. They had been in the Arabian Peninsula since before the rise of Islam. Their piyyutim, their sacred poetry, carried melodies that the rest of the Jewish world had forgotten.
The Jews of Morocco and Algeria predated the Arab conquest of North Africa. The Persian Jewish community traced its origins to the era of Cyrus the Great, who is named in the book of Isaiah as the instrument of Jewish liberation. The Jews of Egypt were ancient. The Jews of Syria were ancient. These were not transplanted peoples. They were rooted ones, with sacred texts, living languages, and unbroken communal memory reaching back to the earliest chapters of Jewish history.
In 1948, there were 135,000 Jews in Iraq. 265,000 in Morocco. 140,000 in Algeria. 105,000 in Tunisia. 100,000 in Egypt. 60,000 in Yemen. 38,000 in Libya. 30,000 in Syria.
Today, there are fewer than ten Jews in Iraq. Fewer than ten in Yemen. Fewer than ten in Libya.
The end of each community had its own texture, but the pattern was the same everywhere.
In Baghdad, the unraveling began on the Jewish holiday of Shavuot in June 1941. Nazi influence had reached Iraq through the German ambassador Fritz Grobba, who funded antisemitic newspapers, bankrolled a youth movement modeled on the Hitler Youth, and cultivated a pro-Axis officer class. When a short-lived pro-Nazi government collapsed and British forces moved toward the city, mobs took to the streets. Over two days, roughly 180 Jews were killed, hundreds were wounded and raped, and 1,500 homes and businesses were looted and destroyed. The pogrom is called the Farhud. It is not taught in schools. A decade later, Iraq criminalized Zionism, seized Jewish property, stripped Jews of their citizenship, and arranged the conditions under which 120,000 Jews boarded planes to Israel in Operation Ezra and Nehemiah, leaving behind the land where the Talmud was written.
In Egypt, President Nasser’s government waited until the Suez Crisis of 1956. Then the proclamation went out from the mosques. Zionists. Enemies of the state. One suitcase. Sign the form. Leave. Between 1948 and the late 1960s, more than 80 percent of Egypt’s Jews fled, most to Israel, some to France and the Americas, all to a life rebuilt from nothing in a country that was not theirs.
In Yemen, anti-Jewish riots erupted in late November 1947, triggered by protests against the UN Partition Plan. Over three days, more than 80 Jews were killed, over 100 Jewish-owned businesses looted, synagogues burned. In 1949 and 1950, in an operation the Israeli government called On Wings of Eagles, nearly 49,000 Yemenite Jews were airlifted to Israel. Many had walked for days through the desert to reach the airstrip. They arrived carrying almost nothing. They brought their Torah scrolls.
In Libya, the Jews had been present for over two thousand years, their roots in the region traceable to before the destruction of the Second Temple. In 1945, Arab nationalist riots killed more than 140 of them and destroyed hundreds of their homes. Another pogrom in 1948. More dead. More homes burned. When Gaddafi came to power in 1969, he confiscated all remaining Jewish property by law. By 1970, the government declared Libya Judenrein. Two thousand years of Jewish presence, ended by decree.
The same pattern completed itself across Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Syria, Lebanon, and Iran. Sometimes through mob violence. Sometimes through bureaucratic suffocation. Property laws requiring Muslim business partners. Passports withheld. Citizenship stripped. Bank accounts frozen. The Jewish communities of the Arab world were liquidated across three decades through a combination of persecution, pauperization, and periodic slaughter, until more than 99 percent were gone. The land confiscated from those who fled amounts to 40,000 square miles. Five times the size of Israel in 1948. The property losses, documented across 22 archives and submitted to the United Nations Human Rights Council, are valued at $263 billion in current terms.
There is no UN agency for these refugees. No annual day of mourning recognized by the General Assembly. No special rapporteur. No international fund. No permanent refugee population maintained across generations as a political instrument. The word Nakba is not applied to them, though by every measurable standard, what happened to nearly one million Jews across the Arab world was a larger, more total, and more deliberately engineered displacement than the Palestinian exodus to which that word is exclusively applied.
The silence is not an oversight. Oversights get corrected when you point them out.
This is where the argument has to be named precisely.
The people who advance the colonial thesis about Israel are not, in general, ignorant of Mizrahi Jews. They are educated people. They read. They know that Israel is not a monoculture. The problem is not that they lack information. The problem is that the information does not serve the argument, so the information is not used.
The colonial framing is load-bearing. Remove it and the entire ideological structure collapses. Acknowledge that the majority of Israelis descend from communities expelled from Arab lands, and you must also acknowledge that Arab states conducted ethnic cleansing against their Jewish populations. Acknowledge that, and you cannot sustain the clean binary of indigenous Arabs against colonial Europeans. Acknowledge that, and the people demanding the dismantling of Israel as an act of decolonization are demanding that the refugees of Arab ethnic cleansing surrender the one place that took them in.
The Mizrahi Jews do not complicate the argument. They end it.
So they are disappeared. Not through a conspiracy. Through a habit of selective attention so consistent and so convenient that it functions as policy. They are the people the argument needs not to exist. And for the most part, in the discourse that shapes how the world talks about Israel, they don’t.
The erasure is not ignorance. It is maintenance.
Israel is a country whose majority population descends from Jews expelled from the Arab world. Those Jews came from communities that predated Islam, that built the Talmud on Babylonian soil, that maintained ancient Hebrew liturgy in Yemeni mountains, that had been part of the fabric of Cairo and Baghdad and Tripoli for longer than most modern nations have existed. They were dispossessed by Arab nationalism, stripped of citizenship and property, forced onto planes and into transit camps and into a new country that was the only country that would have them. They are not colonizers of the Middle East. They are its expelled children, returned.
And those Arab states bear direct responsibility for the demographic reality they then spent decades condemning. Nearly 900,000 Jews left Iraq, Yemen, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Syria, driven by persecution, pogrom, and state-sponsored dispossession. Some left under direct expulsion order. Others left because staying had been made impossible. The distinction matters less than the result: they are gone, their property was taken, and not one Arab state has ever offered to keep them, protect them, or compensate them for what was taken. Some 650,000 went to Israel, because Israel was the only country that would receive them without conditions. The rest went to France and the Americas. They expelled the Jews, closed every door behind them, and then condemned where those Jews ended up. The population that the colonial thesis calls a European imposition was built, in its majority, by refugees the Arab world itself created. The indictment and its cause are the same people.
The conflict has competing claims. They deserve honest accounting. That accounting cannot begin until all the people are on the table.
The people who built the colonial thesis around Israel knew, or should have known, all of this. They constructed the argument anyway. They invoked indigenous rights while erasing the most indigenous Jews on earth. They demanded historical accountability while granting total immunity to the Arab states that liquidated their Jewish populations and kept the stolen property. They called Israel a European project while ignoring the Yemeni Jews who walked through the desert carrying Torah scrolls to reach a plane to Tel Aviv.
You cannot make that argument in good faith. You can only make it by deciding, in advance, that certain people do not count.
The Mizrahi Jews count. They were there when the argument was being built against them. They were there when the world decided not to notice. They are there now, the majority of the people in the Jewish state, the expelled children of the Arab world, home. No thesis survives that. Only the decision to keep pretending it doesn’t exist.
