I saw a left winger write a whole long article full of nonsense, accusing other people of not understanding history and claiming that the NEP was good for Alberta. Hilarious.
A Quebecker’s Love Letter to Alberta
"Let the Eastern Bastards Freeze in the Dark!” This pithy phrase, coined for a bumper sticker by an enterprising Albertan in the early 1980s, crystallized public opinion in the province...
While in many ways Calgary and Alberta are unrecognizable compared to the early 1980s, the bubbling anger of that time has resurfaced, perhaps more profoundly than ever. The hundreds of thousands of Albertans transplanted from central Canada have experienced the obvious disparities in how different regions are treated. We understand central Canada, infuriating as it may be, and love the West on its own terms. We share the West’s current discontent and can help explain it.
Central Canadian ignorance regarding the West is indeed vast. My own was a veritable Marianas Trench of stupidity...
Alberta and the Prairie provinces more broadly were a palpably “high trust” society – Calgarians leaving their houses unlocked into the early 1970s was no urban legend. Its echoes persist today. These various elements combined into what was later dubbed the “Alberta Advantage”. Far more than merely the lower taxes and other pro-business government policies to which this term is usually attached, it was Alberta’s rich social capital, with a younger, more dynamic population, and a hard-to-define but unmistakeable common “spirit”, that catalyzed opportunity and economic development.
Little if any of this was known beyond the region, so that a widening gap grew between this real West and central Canadians’ perceptions. Alberta’s economic clout after the 1973 Arab oil embargo was initially viewed with distant bemusement. Before the critical discovery of oil at Leduc (just south of Edmonton) in 1947, the region had been rural and agricultural. Besides the vagaries of weather and commodity prices, Westerners suffered at the whims of Eastern politicians, protectionist trade policies and the bankers of Montreal’s St. James Street, then Canada’s financial nexus.
Less than a decade after Leduc, gushing royalties and taxes from the thousands of oil and natural gas wells being drilled all over Alberta funded almost half the provincial government’s expenditures. The OPEC cartel’s actions then saw global oil prices more than triple to $12 per barrel (equivalent to almost $90 today), with Alberta’s royalties rising proportionately and reaching 60 percent of total provincial revenue in 1980. Central Canadian bemusement became envy and resentment. Yeah, so Alberta now had easy money. Weren’t they just “sitting on” all these resources that they just “dug up”?
This is what might be called the “Beverly Hillbillies” view of Alberta, after the eponymous Sixties sitcom. Albertans, while out hunting squirrels, could just shoot into the ground and up would come the bubblin’ crude. Of course, anyone who’s actually explored for or developed hydrocarbons will know that interpreting subtle seismic readings from 5,000 metres down, or landing a 3,000-metre horizontal wellbore in a 5-metre zone, isn’t like shooting squirrels. It’s a mix of hard science, vision and grit, capital-intensive and high-risk. The technical challenges are greater than, say, damming a river to generate electricity. After all, beavers build dams.
Still, their narrative of the West gelled in the minds of the Laurentians: a resource-rich hinterland of uncouth, increasingly uppity locals of which we know little and care less. How different from the story of another resource-endowed region – a contrast which helps explain Alberta’s current predicament...
Quebec “distinctiveness” has bewildered, bewitched and often enraged Canadians for decades. Its chosen path in the constitutional, economic and social realms being, let’s say, markedly different from Western Canada’s.
Quebec is confident and comfortable with its entirely self-serving approach to Confederation, rarely deviating from the long-term goal of increased power...
The “equality” between the two levels of government and the associated division of powers would have to be respected. Quebec would retain “fiscal autonomy”. Maintaining its “equality” within the federation would require “asymmetry” of policies, with Quebec cooperating (only) while upholding its interests. Quebec would conduct its own international relations to protect its jurisdictional independence.
But Quebec’s aspirations extend beyond provincial interests. It also announced it would use federal institutions to promote its “vision of Canada” and seek to “extend the Canadian Francophone space” (while, incidentally, eliminating Quebec’s “Anglophone space”). Intending to continue “leadership in Canada”, Quebec would exercise its responsibilities “without interference” and remain “free to make its own choices and…assume its own identity.” The rest of us would have no choice in the matter, as Canadians were called upon to “duly recognize” Quebec’s “affirmation” of its “strong national identity” and ensure that Quebeckers “see themselves better reflected in Canada.” Was any of this in the pre-nup?
These goals have been advanced through both constitutional and extra-constitutional means, namely Quebec separatism. They’ve worked in parallel since the 1960s, almost as “Plan A/Plan B” scenarios, with the separatist threat – including two unsuccessful referenda, the first in 1980, lost decisively, the second in 1995, which came within a whisker – providing leverage to extract concessions from Ottawa.
Quebec’s constitutional wranglings preoccupied and at times paralyzed the country for decades...
The feds tend to view concessions as situational or even enduring, while separatists merely regard each additional power as yet another step toward inevitable separation. Quebec in this way has deftly accumulated special accommodations. The province receives a minimum number of seats in the House of Commons, regardless of its population growing more slowly, while massive imbalances favouring Quebec and other eastern provinces persist in the unelected Senate. Quebec’s government has argued these preferences must be maintained whatever future population shifts occur. Quebec is similarly granted three justices on the Supreme Court of Canada, greatly disproportionate to its share of Canada’s population (22 percent and dropping). The corporate headquarters of both CN Rail and Air Canada are required to be in Montreal even though both organizations do the vast majority of their business outside Quebec.
Special treatment and carve-outs for Quebec exist in myriad areas, notably immigration. In 1991 the feds granted the province exclusive choice in immigrants and refugees, plus an initial handout of $755 million (2025 dollars) for “integration of newcomers”. Ottawa has continued to lavish disproportionate benefits on Quebec with, for example, 56 percent of federal immigrant language training dollars in fiscal 2007, despite the province only welcoming 16.5 percent of newcomers. Nice deal.
Given Quebec’s goal to advance its “vision of Canada”, how does it run its own affairs? That la belle Province has a, shall we say, “ethically challenged” political culture is no secret. Even the golden Centennial year, 1967 (much enhanced by 60 years of rosy memory) was tainted. That is literally tainted: diseased or already dead and putrifying animals had been secretly turned into burgers, hot dogs and pizza ingredients for the tens of thousands of Canadian and foreign tourists who flocked to Montreal’s Expo ’67.
The “tainted meat scandal” erupted only in 1975, just one year before the city was to host the 1976 Summer Olympic Games, but the lingering odour was soon overpowered by the breathtakingly corrupt misspending for the coming games. Quebec taxpayers were stuck with a gargantuan bill not paid off until 30 years later. All for a half-built Olympic stadium that began falling apart before it was finished. Then there was the long-running Sponsorship Scandal, which brought down the Paul Martin government in 2004. More recently, the Charbonneau Commission discovered – wait for it – corruption in the Quebec construction industry. There was even suspicion of a “link between political financing and awarding of contracts.” Shocking.
Other aspects of Quebec’s “distinctiveness” include its approach to the economy; dirigisme is, after all, a French word. The public sector is 24 percent of total employment, several points higher than the Canadian average and 20 percent more than Alberta’s. Generous government programs abound, notably Quebec’s famous “$10/day daycare” and bargain-basement university tuition, frozen for the better part of 40 years.
Quebec also indulges its green sensibilities by blocking national energy corridors and not developing its substantial unconventional natural gas reservoirs. Similar shale reservoirs generate vast amounts of production and wealth in nearby Ohio and Pennsylvania and could supply the province or foreign markets for decades.
Meanwhile the province doggedly persists in extirpating the English language from the public square, with the recent Bill 96 now micro-managing even the lettering on retail packaging and signage. Previous discrimination and bullying cued the exodus of some 600,000 Anglo-Quebeckers, which the provincial immigration deal replaced with francophone immigrants from North Africa, the Middle East and elsewhere. An energetic subset of these are now publicly “engaged” on the issue of Gaza and “Palestine”, with Montreal hosting numerous, often violent protests since the October 7th, 2023 Hamas pogrom.
Quebec’s transformation into a proud linguistic monoculture and distinctly second-tier economy over the last six decades was done consciously and deliberately. As fascinating as this social experiment is, it’s all underwritten by massive subsidies from other provinces, one in particular...
Ballooning energy prices caused by the aforementioned Arab oil embargo brought the Trudeau Liberals’ West-crushing policy centrepiece, the National Energy Program, or NEP. Its sheer stupid rapacity has come to symbolize all the misguided federal policies directed at the region; its mention today can still trigger instant anger among those who lived through it.
Trudeau’s so-called “made-in-Canada” oil price, which actually meant government-mandated below-market costs for Eastern Canada at Alberta’s (and Saskatchewan’s) expense, plus numerous other statist interventions, combined with an inevitable oil price drop and recession to devastate the region. From its peak of around 60 percent in 1981, the percentage of provincial government revenue coming from oil and natural gas fell to just over 20 percent by mid-decade. Unemployment rose from about 3.5 percent in 1981 to over 11 percent in 1983. With rising interest rates and unemployment, tens of thousands lost their homes and businesses, while for hundreds of thousands more, the 80s became a lost decade even as Ontario (and the U.S.) boomed...
Robert Mansell, a University of Calgary economist, documented the vast transfers Alberta since the early 1960s had sent to other provinces, mainly Quebec. Mansell’s latest work places the total amount at $611 billion in net transfers from 1961 to 2017, and $180 billion just in the 2010s...
Speaking to an Edmonton business audience in 2001, Chrétien mused that Alberta’s “fabulous wealth [was] making life difficult for other provinces” and that the province which nobody had helped in its hour of need could perhaps “spread its wealth across Canada.”...
More recently, the Globe and Mail criticized Alberta’s United Conservative Party Premier, Jason Kenney, for even mentioning Alberta’s huge equalization payments, saying that this fomented resentment and fuelled “talk of separation”. Barry McKenna speculated that what many Albertans really wanted was “the unfettered right to build pipelines and get the province’s oil and gas to global markets.” No kidding; but that’s not allowed either...
Predictably, Justin Trudeau further contributed to national unity by channeling Chrétien. After his election as Liberal leader in 2012 he observed that, “Canada is struggling right now because Albertans are controlling the…social democratic agenda.” By which he apparently meant Prime Minister Stephen Harper, who had had the temerity to win a majority the year before. Asked whether Canada would be better off with more Quebecers in power than Albertans, Trudeau replied: “I’m a Liberal, so of course I think so.” It’s interesting that Trudeau didn’t say, “I’m a Quebecker, so…” but perhaps that’s just implicit – being a Liberal means identifying with Quebec first.
One can only marvel at such multi-generational consistency, from Trudeau Sr. asking farmers in Winnipeg, “Why should I sell your wheat?” to Chrétien and Trudeau Jr., the latter sacrificing Alberta’s economic development to an international environmentalist agenda. So far there’s little sign the Carney government will back away from, let alone abandon this...
Current Premier Danielle Smith passed the Alberta Sovereignty Within a United Canada Act in late 2022 to defend Alberta’s constitutional jurisdiction and push back against unconstitutional federal laws – and invoked the act the following year to counter Ottawa’s so-called “clean electricity” regulations. Recently Smith’s government launched the Alberta Next initiative, with similar objectives. Smith kicked things off by summarizing the multiple Liberal laws and policies crippling Alberta’s economy which she says have led to $500 billion in lost investment capital over the last 10 years. Add that to the outflow of funds tracked by Mansell and you have $1.1 trillion in economic punishment meted upon one province.
The enduring theme is that, for over 60 years, one federal party has imposed central Canadian politics on the entire country. A policy inimical to and specifically designed to smother the political culture, economy and growth of the West. The question facing Albertans, and Westerners more broadly, is whether they will tolerate this any longer.
Will Albertans soon witness a massive, spontaneous unity rally? Or perhaps a mighty pan-Canadian caravan converging on Calgary or Edmonton? With the real likelihood of an Alberta sovereignty or separation referendum in the next couple of years, one might wonder.
After all, that’s what happened on October 27, 1995, when Quebeckers looked like they were about to vote to leave Canada. Thousands of Canadians flocked to Montreal’s Place du Canada in what became known as the “Great Love-in”. Ostensible Westerner and former PC Prime Minister Joe Clark cranked out a book exhorting Canadians to “get in your cars and drive to Quebec” to share the love and convince Quebeckers to stay.
There’s no doubt the Laurentian Elite view Quebec’s possible separation as an existential threat. The West’s concerns are mere irritants or “grievances”. This is obvious in reactions to the current Alberta secession question. One response disputes that Ottawa has mistreated the West at all. According to this argument, Alberta is “soaked in self-deception” and consumed by “dangerous myths” of a malign federal government. In reality, the ever-benevolent feds kickstarted the oil sands and furthered resource development.
The always-reliable Globe and Mail contends that this is an “Alberta problem”, that Smith should avoid placating local separatists and rather than “a clenched fist” extend a hand of cooperation to Ottawa. Veteran columnist Andrew Coyne similarly views those pondering secession as “a minority of malcontents in the richest province in the most blessed country on Earth,” ingrates “marinated in self-pity.” Smith, Coyne argues, is “odious” for using “that same minority of malcontents as a weapon to extract concessions from the rest of Canada.”
Good point! What province would ever employ threats to extract concessions from Ottawa? Coyne concludes that Canada is only responsible for Alberta secessionism in so far as Canadians have a “long history of indulging the pernicious idea that [separation] is a legitimate response to [complaints] of ill treatment, real or imagined.” This thinking culminates, or perhaps bottoms out, in the Toronto Star’s David Olive calling for Alberta to separate, citing our “incurable sense of grievance” and the “self-involved parochialism of [its] current political class and its followers.” No love-in here; but perhaps as a favour, Olive could lay out how Albertans might engineer their exit.
Elected scoffers like Bloc Québécois leader Yves-François Blanchet maintain that Alberta’s complaints are mundanely economic, not part of a “national project” like Quebec. “I am not certain that oil and gas qualifies to define a culture,” he recently sneered. As if decades of lost livelihoods and unrealized potential, of losing your home over a “few points” of raised interest rates, were trivial. And this while other regions are subsidized, none more than Blanchet’s...
Setting aside economics, federal-provincial wrangling and verbal jousting with pundits, what patriotic ties are Albertans and Westerners to draw upon? What grand, unifying vision are Ottawa or the federal Liberals offering? Fortunately, they have been clear about this. The country was formed in a criminal act of imperialist theft which involved routinely genocidal acts against its original inhabitants. Canada’s founders, including our first Prime Minister, were largely reprehensible, and monuments to them must be removed or ideologically sanitized. It causes one to wonder, just what are “malcontented” Western separatists actually betraying?
Yet despite dating from such a heinous historical period, our 19th century federal institutions are absolutely fit for purpose today. We strive toward diversity and tolerance, welcoming millions of newcomers to our shores, but remain systemically racist, as stated by our former Prime Minister. We are either a post-national state and/or the most European of non-Europeans, as the case may be. While it would likely be better for Canada never to have been founded, we are still better than the Americans, especially whenever there’s a Republican in the White House. In that case, we must rise up to defend our sinful institutions and ill-begotten way of life. Surely Westerners will find this mix of economic entrapment and inverted jingoism plain irresistible.
All indications are that attitudes aren’t changing. The federal government is reportedly making legal preparations to combat Alberta secessionism. While the constitutional status of First Nations is progressively reevaluated and expanded, with many asserting an “Indigenous veto”, it’s out of the question for the West. Development of the West’s resources and economy will depend on the “national interest ” (as it previously depended on “social licence”) and subject to veto by – wait for it – Quebec...
All evidence points to the Laurentians doubling down on their errors of the last 60 years. It’s hard to imagine any event short of a near-death experience dislodging them from this mindset. Ironically, everything suggests that accommodating Alberta would actually help Canada and Canadian unity, whereas the same cannot be said for appeasing Quebec...
It’s worth repeating that recent polling shows an overwhelming 90-10 provincial consensus that new energy pipelines are critical. Other polling suggests at least half of Albertans want Smith’s government to prepare a plan for exiting Canada should our reasonable demands again be rebuffed. Over one-third would separate right now. And if Easterners think separatists are just old, white, cranky males, there simply aren’t enough of us around to generate numbers like that.
The most recent demographic analysis of polling data showed that separatist sentiment amongst new Canadians and young people is significant. Almost a quarter of “non-whites” supported separation, while only Gen Z’s support for secession is below 30 percent (at 21 percent). Among Gen X, one-third are for getting out. More recent data place support for forming a country out of everyone west of Kenora even higher, at 35 percent."

