Op-Ed: The Enemy Is Already Inside the Gates. Mark Carney Just Opened Them Wider.
When the Chinese consulate in Houston was ordered closed in July
2020, it did not go quietly. Within an hour of being told they had 72
hours to vacate, the staff set the building on fire.
What
followed was, in the account of the man who ordered it done, a
revelation. “Within two days,” former CIA Director and Secretary of
State Mike Pompeo told the Canada Strong and Free conference in Ottawa,
“we had identified hundreds of Chinese agents operating in the United
States, most of which we were unaware of. They started getting tickets
to fly out. You could just see the network light up.”
Pompeo
had spent about five months with FBI Director Christopher Wray
assembling the operation. The Houston consulate, he said, was running
“the largest spying operation ever conducted inside the United States
that we’re aware of” — allowed to continue for years because Washington
feared escalation. The State Department, he noted with dry precision,
was always against shutting it down. “The good news was I became
Secretary of State,” he said.
The
network that lit up when Houston burned was not a rogue operation. It
was a window into China’s vast foreign interference networks. The window
revealed how much remained unseen. “My gosh, what do we still not
know?” Pompeo recalled discussing with Director Wray.
It is the right question for the United States.
The Bureau
has reported on the Linda Sun case in New York, where only two people
are charged — but Jamestown Foundation researcher Cheryl Yu’s work
points to a much wider constellation of relationships involving more
than 20 potential access agents with documented United Front ties in New
York political circles.
For
Canada, in cities from Toronto to Vancouver and Montreal, the answer is
likely orders of magnitude greater — and more concerning, because in
Mark Carney’s government, the gates have been opened wider.
In
Ottawa last week, Pompeo offered a deliberate reframing of the China
threat. The debate in Western capitals has long been organized around
Taiwan — will Beijing invade, when, what would the West do.
His
answer was direct: “I’m much less worried about Taiwan than I am about
Denver, or Los Angeles or Phoenix or Ottawa or Toronto.”
The
Chinese Communist Party, he said, is “hard at work inside the gates” —
in universities, in corporate supply chains, in the phones of every
Canadian parent’s child. “They are inside the gates in ways that I think
we’ve been very naive about this risk.”
He
was not speaking in vague abstractions. He told the audience — with the
dry humor of a man who has seen the classified files — that he would
wager Party-affiliated operatives were sitting in that very room. They
would not be easy to spot, he added. “They look like me — like they’re
white Italian dudes.”
This
is a former CIA director with full visibility on the depth of China’s
penetration — not only in America, but almost certainly Canada as well.
Pompeo credited the Canadian Security Intelligence Service as an
excellent, non-political partner of the CIA.
It
means he knows what CSIS director David Vigneault knew — including
Vigneault’s oversight of a high-profile, sensitive investigation into a
Beijing-directed federal election interference network in 2019, centered
in Toronto. Pompeo was made CIA director in 2017 and promoted to
Secretary of State in 2018. He likely knows what Vigneault knows about
Canada’s vulnerabilities to CCP election interference and elite capture
operations. Quite possibly more.
He
described Chinese students paying full tuition at American
universities, then directing funds to research laboratories to extract
intellectual property.
What
has been revealed in United States schools — most notably the
University of Michigan — in Chinese intelligence penetration of science
labs almost certainly pales in comparison to China’s penetration of
Canada’s Level Four lab in Winnipeg, which involved dangerous research
from an alleged People’s Liberation Army-linked network that ultimately
worked on the bat filovirus project in Wuhan, a thread that Pompeo
touched on.
More broadly, he described a West that has failed to demand basic reciprocity.
China
blocks foreign students from advanced physics programs, forbids foreign
land purchases near military installations, and grants none of the
access it extracts from ours. But the West allows China’s proxies to run
wild.
None of this will surprise readers of these pages. The Bureau
has been reporting the inside-the-gates threat in Canada for years —
not as theory, but from classified documents, federal intelligence
assessments, and primary-source interviews with senior law enforcement
and intelligence figures.
A classified June 2019 report of the National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians, reported by The Bureau
in July 2023, states in unredacted form that Chinese officials
conducted “unauthorized trips to Canada,” paid Chinese-language
journalists to “locate and track individuals,” arrested relatives in
China as leverage, and actively discouraged targets from reporting
covert activity to Canadian police.
The Bureau’s reporting
on the Don Im DEA series documented in granular detail fentanyl and
money laundering networks run through Chinese Triad-linked
organizations, with Canada serving as a command node. Our interview with
David Asher — a former senior United States government official in
Pompeo’s State Department, who worked transnational criminal networks at
the highest levels — traced Chinese criminal and intelligence
infrastructure through Canadian financial institutions, with Toronto and
Vancouver functioning as a center of gravity for global fentanyl
laundering.
The Bureau
has also reported extensively on transnational repression on Canadian
and American soil — the targeting of Hong Kong activist Frances Hui in
Boston, whose parents were detained by Hong Kong national security
police in April 2025; the bounty placed on Canadian citizen and
pro-democracy candidate Joe Tay; the Security and Intelligence Threats
to Elections Task Force warning of a coordinated transnational
repression operation against Tay’s campaign one week before election
day.
Pompeo, standing in Ottawa, was describing the same landscape.
The
sharpest moment of the Canada Strong and Free conference came when
Member of Parliament Shuv Majumdar put a direct question about Prime
Minister Mark Carney. Majumdar noted that Carney had traveled to Beijing
and then to Davos, where he delivered a speech about “rupture” —
nodding and winking towards the United States — and that since taking
office, Carney had moved on “decision after decision” to tilt toward
Beijing: blocking Taiwan’s air access to Canada while accelerating a
deal for a Chinese airline, pursuing deeper partnership with a
government he had himself, during the campaign, called the greatest
threat to Canadian national security and the Canadian way of life.
“In
this era of geopolitical rivalry with China being the threat that it
is,” Majumdar asked, “what would be your advice to Canadians about that
threat and the direction that this government is going?”
Pompeo
said he tries to be kind to leaders who, out of frustration with Donald
Trump or Washington’s negotiating tactics, conclude the answer is to
pivot toward the Chinese Communist Party. “It’s very shortsighted,” he
said, “because they will sell your nation’s values down the river in two
seconds.”
He
used the COVID pandemic as Exhibit 1, making it clear that, as former
CIA director, he was still bound by secrecy laws. All the same, he told
the conference that by late 2019 and early 2020, the United States
government had “high confidence” and “good evidence” the virus had
originated in a Chinese laboratory — a conclusion he reached as CIA
director. He said he does not believe it was intentional. But what
followed was. Xi Jinping, he said, “put people on airplanes and sent
them to Europe. He knew what he was doing then.” The leaders now hedging
toward Beijing, Pompeo suggested, are making their calculations about a
government that responded to a catastrophic lab failure with
deliberate, lethal concealment. “You’re going to get your head handed to
you,” he said. “And they will do it slowly and with a smile.”
Which
brings us to the agreement that Mark Carney signed with Beijing during
his visit — a memorandum of understanding between the Royal Canadian
Mounted Police and China’s Ministry of Public Security.
Michael
Lucci, chief executive of State Armor, a United States non-governmental
organization currently pursuing legal and legislative applications
across multiple states to implement new laws weeding out Chinese
Communist Party influence, has reiterated precisely what The Bureau
has argued: that Carney’s secret memorandum of understanding with the
Ministry of Public Security risks enabling transnational repression on
Canadian soil.
The
Ministry of Public Security is not a neutral bureaucratic counterpart.
It is the same apparatus that the National Security and Intelligence
Committee of Parliamentarians documented running covert operations in
Canada. It is the same apparatus that tasks the united front networks —
Canada hosts, according to the Jamestown Foundation, 575 documented
united front organizations, nearly five times the American rate per
capita. It is the same apparatus that, in the account of diaspora groups
who fled it, has pursued, surveilled, and coerced Canadians of Chinese
and Hong Kong origin.
Ten
Hong Kong diaspora organizations spanning four countries wrote to the
Canadian government in February expressing “deep fear and anxiety” about
the memorandum of understanding. They have not received a substantive
response. The full text of the agreement has not been released. No
safeguards have been publicly described.
The
message from both Pompeo and Lucci in Ottawa was clear. Presidents and
Prime Ministers will come and go, but the bond between Canadian and
American people is non-negotiable. We share values, an economy, security
and freedom. The threat is not on the horizon or across the ocean. It
is here, it is operating, and the appropriate response is not
accommodation. It is clarity about values, reciprocity in policy, and
the refusal to let irritation with an ally become an excuse to embrace
an adversary.

