On the myth and invention of North American Indigenous Two-Spirit Queerness - basically it's a misinterpretation of homosexuality. No surprise the story involves Marxism and sex with minors:
The Origin of 'Two-Spirit' & The Gay Rights Movement
"If you have encountered any academic discussion of LGBT topics in North America, you will almost certainly have heard the phrase ‘Two-Spirit’ - sometimes included in the acronym as ‘LGBTQ2S’, or some variant thereof. The most crude explanation for the term is something like ‘a gay Native American’, but it has a much more complex and subtle origin. Regardless, the implications and the cultural usage of the term amounts to a differentiation in the way Native and other indigenous peoples think about and describe homosexuality, gender and minority sexual identities. If you push on this terminology you’ll be told that it was invented by Native Americans as a way to self-define and take control of their own culture. Push further still and you’ll find a particular conference, held in Canada in 1990, which voted to adopt the term. You may also come across two names in particular: Harry Hay and Will Roscoe. As far as I can tell, no-one has looked much further into the murky origins of the term, beyond accepting this conference and its decision. This is my attempt then, in a single article, to dive into the weeds. We’ll cover some truly bizarre and unsettling territory - the Radical Faeries, mythical pederastic Pueblo rites, cross-dressing shamans, Jungian homosexuality and, at the centre of it all, Harry Hay and his obsession with discovering the secret, hidden history of gay spirituality. Let us commence.
‘Two-Spirit’ is a slippery word to define, since it contains within it an explicit critique of the very thing it tries to explain. Post-colonial activists describe how the condition of colonisation doesn’t just mean the physical loss of land and sovereignty, but also the mental and cultural colonisation which accompanies it. ‘Two-Spirit’ is meant to be a way of defining and describing the experience and identity of gay, lesbian, transgender and other sexual minorities from within the ‘Native American community’, but using the language of modern Anglo-America. If this sounds pedantic and tedious, you may have a point. The embrace of Native American concerns by that strata of academia which uses obfuscatory and confusing language has formed a sort of crust, preventing the wider public from directly listening to Native Americans themselves without this impenetrable terminology.
As I see it, ‘Two-Spirit’ is a simplistic and simple term to describe how Native Americans apparently thought about homosexuality and transgenderism, I say ‘apparently’ because I’m deeply sceptical of the proposition. Almost all Native cultures have terms and ethnographic descriptions of gay men, men and women who cross-dressed and performed tasks meant for the opposite sex. How they understood these aberrations is unique to each culture and language-group, but the term ‘Two-Spirit’ is meant to capture what is different about the ‘Native perspective’ versus the Western. The phrase refers to the dual nature of the person, perhaps containing both a male and female essence. Modern Western culture is brutally materialistic about sexual identities, interested in genes, twin studies and summed up in the slogan ‘Born This Way’. This differs from other parts of the world where homosexuality, like all parts of the human condition, is governed by the spiritual world.
The famous conference, held in Winnipeg in 1990, was the third meeting of the “Annual Inter-Tribal Native American, First Nations, Gay and Lesbian American Conference”. Here the delegates designated an Ojibwe term, niizh manidoowag, to be the official descriptor of indigenous sexualities. This word literally translates as ‘two-spirit’, but crucially, both terms were invented at or around the time of the conference, they have no history within Ojibwe culture or their language...
We must note in this passage the emphasis on the double nature of the homosexual, it was this idea that grabbed Hay and forever kept him under its sway - a gay man is someone who unites both the male and female spirit, to become a creative and artistic soul...
ay was introduced and integrated into the network of socialist and communist labourers who worked seasonally on the ranch. They gave him pamphlets of Marx, taught him union songs and captivated his mind with tales of the Haymarket Massacre, the 1887 Railroad Strike and the martyrdom of Joe Hill...
Hay had his first full sexual experience with an older sailor called Matt, who told him that ‘people like him’ existed in secret all around the world, as a kind of brotherhood. Hay described this experience later in life:
When in later years he told this favorite coming-out story, he referred to it ironically as his “child molestation speech,” to make the point of how sharply gay life differs from heterosexual norms. “As a child,” he explained, “I molested an adult until I found out what I needed to know.” He recalled that Matt’s promise of a new world and a future served as a life raft during the isolated period of high school. Far from being an experience of “molestation,” Harry always described it as “the most beautiful gift that a fourteen-year-old ever got from his first love!”
... The Mattachine Society was born out of Hay’s belief that homosexuals in America were an oppressed class, but one which should naturally ally with the Left and be capable of determining and lobbying for their own political agenda and future... The Society ran like a kind of Leninist Freemasonry, with oaths of loyalty, secrecy, cells and five layers of membership...
“The Homophile in History: A Provocation to Research,” sketched out from 1953 to 1955. The project was described:
Divided into fourteen periodic sections, it traces homosexual prototypes from the Stone Age through the European Middle Ages up to the “Berdache and the American Scene,” where Hay cited Johnny Appleseed as one example of an “American Fool Hero.” Much of the study for this was expanded from the syllabus of his music classes at the Labor School. The model Harry used for his study was the berdache. A French term applied to cross-dressing Indians found by the European colonists in the New World, berdache sometimes referred simply to an Indian who committed “the abominable vice” of homosexuality. But to Harry, it meant a cultural role.
...
Harry unearthed a forgotten document written in 1882 by a former United States Surgeon General Dr. William A. Hammond, while in the field, observed Indians called mujerados, a Spanish term meaning “made women.” This tantalized Harry as a possible type of berdache. Hammond described the mujerados he had found among Pueblo Indians in Northern New Mexico, who were the “chief passive agent in the pederastic ceremonies.” Hay offered a lengthy commentary and roundly protested this paper’s “burial by omission” for nearly one hundred years.
... The term ‘berdache’ is strongly out of fashion today; you won’t find any references to it in modern literature from the late ‘80’s /early ‘90’s onward. The word is French in origin, meaning ‘catamite’ or ‘boy kept for unnatural purposes’, and emerged during the early years of Native anthropology to describe a particular phenomenon observed in some cultures. Typically a berdache describes a man, or less frequently a woman, who breaks with their social expectations and chooses to adopt female clothes and activities. Like all human societies, Native Americans had a binary division of labour, some tasks and roles were for men, others for women. People who intentionally crossed that division were known to anthropologists as berdaches. Confusingly to modern ears, raised on a bewilderingly complex system of parsing out sex, gender, sexuality etc, the berdache was also associated with homosexuality, transgenderism and prostitution. Thus the ‘female man’ was a gay man.
Berdache as a term is certainly outdated, and even without political sensitivities in the academy it is too broad brush a description. Each culture had its own understandings of sexuality and gender roles and its own cosmology to explain how some people came to act like the opposite sex. Where the crossover between the European gay rights movement and Native American anthropology occurred was precisely in the confused descriptions of the berdache as having a special spiritual role and position within Native cultures. We’ll see more of this as we continue, but it is worth establishing here that this belief cannot be justified in the light of rigorous anthropology...
Hay took to the road, aiming to track down for himself some of the Native American rituals and rites he believed had been forced underground. His experience with the Pueblo people and his studies on the enigmatic mujerados made them an obvious choice. Managing to befriend a local Pueblo man by the name of Enki, Hay finally thought he had stumbled upon the evidence he was missing. Enki took him to out to a number of ruins, one in particular called Tsankwe, where he told Hay that ‘this is where your people lived’. Hay learnt from Enki the term kwidó, which Hay believed to be the word for berdache or homosexuals. Elated at the prospect of finding some ‘authentic’ evidence, he would repeatedly return to Tsankwe with friends and lovers, proudly pointing to the place he believed linked them to some ancestral past.
In point of fact, the term kwidó is not a well understood term. In her article Is the “North American Berdache” Merely a Phantom in the Imagination of Western Social Scientists?, gender scholar and anthropologist Sue-Ellen Jacobs refers to her arguments with Hay over the correct spelling of kwidó, but also her inability to confirm its existence among the Tewa Pueblo. She laments that “I was told on several occasions that I had misunderstood. They had “never had any people like that here”. I was also told that people “like that” had learnt such ways from white people.”. It seems obvious in retrospect that Hay was simply confirming his own beliefs. Convinced that homosexuality had been suppressed, any ambiguous evidence merely supported his convictions.
Hay moved to San Juan Pueblo in 1971, committing himself to a number of projects, including Albuquerque’s first Pride parade and a fight to prevent a dam being built over the Rio Grande. Here his deepest desire for a brotherhood of men imbued with ‘gay consciousness’ finally came into being, for a short while. The Radical Faeries was established in 1979, the aim being to create ‘Faerie circles’ of gay men who could live a certain way. It was a mish-mash of New Age ideas, hippy aesthetics, western style shamanism, Jungian psychology, drugs, the carnival and riotous dance atmosphere of Hay’s dreams. He implored people to “throw off the ugly green frogskin of hetero-imitation to find the shining Faerie prince beneath”...
The Dionysian frenzy which took hold of the participants at the first gathering would be savagely condemned today as denigrating Native culture and role-playing of the highest order. They rolled in mud, built a giant earth phallus, crowned one another in laurel leaves, howled at the moon and experienced a group vision when a huge black bull entered a drum circle at the moment of greatest crescendo. The testimonies afterwards are full of ecstatic language, allusions to baptism, renewal, spiritual cleansing and a heightened sense of gay consciousness. Many would come to adopt pseudo-native monikers, like Crazy Owl and Morning Star.
Crucially for our story, this gathering was the first time a man called Will Roscoe met Harry Hay. In tracing the origins of ‘two-spirit’, this encounter between the young Roscoe and the veteran Hay is central. Roscoe would go on to turn Hay’s jumbled and eccentric boxes of research into fully fledged books and scholarly works, infused with the Faerie-spiritually gay ethos...
There is a much larger critique to be made one day about how Jung himself, who visited Native Americans in Taos, made use of 'primitive’ religious thinking in his work and how this ultimately contributed to the appropriation and development of his philosophy by ‘gay psychology’. But this article is long enough already. Suffice to say that the tributaries of ideas which fed into this psychological movement already included severe mischaracterisations of Native American religion by both Jung and Hay. A modern example of this phenomena can be found in the ‘work’ of Aaran Mason, the author of such papers as The Gay Male Goddess and the Myth of Binaries: A Queer Archetypal Meandering. A recent discussion of his work explores this muddled cross-over of ‘Native’ and Jungian thought...
In the years following the Stonewall riots (1969), a small but significant exodus began to take place. A number of Native Americans, attracted by the gay liberation movement, travelled to San Francisco and started identifying with the Anglo-European scene of gays, lesbians, bisexuals, transgenders and cross-dressers. It has proved extremely difficult to track down exactly how this happened, but in 1975, two Native Americans - Randy Burns, a Paiute, and Barbara Cameron, a Lakota - founded the Gay American Indians (GAI). The relationship between this group and Will Roscoe is murky, but somehow he ended up becoming the Project Coordinator for the Gay American Indians History Project (1984) and editor for the Living the Spirit: A Gay American Indian Anthology. The records and papers related to this time period are held by the GLBT Historical Society in San Francisco (the Will Roscoe papers and Gay American Indians records). These have yet to be digitised and surely contain the story of how Roscoe, a non-Native, came to be embraced and placed in a leadership position by the GAI.
The dynamics here are exceptionally complicated. For Roscoe, Hay and many gay-identifying Native Americans, the anger and aggression shown towards gay Native Americans by other Natives has its origin in the Christianisation of their culture. Roscoe became the ‘expert’ who could claim and ‘prove’ that previous generations of Native Americans were not only tolerant of gays, third-genders and transgender people, but that these people were celebrated and even worshipped for their spiritual powers. However, and this gets to the heart of the problem, much of this research, and the claims that flow from it, are simplified, distorted and propagandised images of pre-Columbian American life. Roscoe went on to write dozens of books and articles about the existence and reverence for homosexuals and third-gender people in numerous indigenous and traditional societies - including Islam, Christianity, African and Native American groups.
So if patient readers have followed along, they might be asking what exactly is wrong with this definition of two-spirit if Native Americans themselves have adopted it? Native history and control over it has become an essential part of the progressive cosmology since the 1960’s, in particular making use of it to fortify a vision of a world where a patriarchal, dominant Christian colonial state wiped out a peaceful, matriarchal, ecologically-friendly and egalitarian society of hunters and farmers. Almost everyone has seen this form of propaganda, the Noble Savage doomed to extinction, and with it the earth suffers. The specific question of the ‘berdache’ and how Hay’s acolytes and companions managed to distort history certainly deserves to be told, and hopefully I have provided the reader with some background here which explains how this new image of the ‘two-spirit’ came into being. But let us turn to the problem of what exactly was distorted.
Scholarship on the historical ‘berdache’ is overwhelmingly biased in one direction or another. Progressive activists and scholars are correct that earlier anthropologists were horrified by some Native culture’s acceptance of what they saw as deviance and perversion, which created a false picture of reality. But equally the push-back from Roscoe and co is overrun with mistakes. I want to point to several key criticisms:
In converting ‘the berdache’ to the ‘two-spirit’, Roscoe and co are guilty of exactly the same offence as earlier anthropologists, of homogenising Native cultures, many of which had no such thing as a ‘berdache’.
The foisting of the modern gay movement’s notion of ‘queer’ onto Native cultures is both anachronistic and degrading.
Roscoe and co minimise historical evidence for ridicule, dislike and hostility towards ‘berdaches’ and overstate the case of their sacred and divine nature.
The first of these is the least controversial and most commonly discussed. Internet articles such as “what were the five Native American genders?” are guilty of straight up falsehoods. Even within the enormous ‘culture zones’ of North America, such as the Pacific Northwest, there is a vast amount of cultural differentiation and each people dealt with the topic of gender, cross-dressing and sexuality differently. For many groups, most famously the Iroquois, there is no evidence at all for a ‘berdache’ phenomenon. From the detailed 1983 paper, The North American Berdache:
We might add that Loskiel's (1794:11) report of homosexuality among the Delaware and apparently the Iroquois (Katz 1976:290) did not describe berdache behavior. The case for the absence of berdaches among Iroquois cultures is strong. Kehoe points out that Miller (1974) reached a similar conclusion
In a pretty damning comment by Carolyn Epple, on her work with the Navajo ‘nadleehi’ :
It appears that Roscoe, Williams, and others have frequented the shrine of The Perpetual Homosexual and, in so doing, not only have overlooked the cultural boundedness of sexuality as a concept but also subsume nadleehi (and possibly others with similar characteristics) under the principles of present-day sexuality classification—an unfounded inclusion… thus they attempt to "demonstrate that preindustrial societies are more 'tolerant' ... or'accommodating' of erotic diversity and gender variation than 'the West'". The benefits of identifying with "preindustrial" societies are many, thus, for example, Williams looks to "the American Indian concept of spirituality to break out of the deviancy model to reunite families and to offer special benefits to society as a whole" (1986:207). And Roscoe adds, "I have no difficulty imagining the rationale and rewards of specializing in a work otherwise considered female. My own consciousness has thus absorbed the berdache"
Although both authors acknowledge differences between Euro-American and Native American meanings of gay, they clearly conflate the meanings for their political and personal purposes. It is little wonder that Jaimes, a Native American woman, objects to such perspectives: "Particularly offensive have been non-Indian efforts to convert the indigenous custom of treating homosexuals (often termed 'berdache'by anthropologists) as persons endowed with special spiritual powers into a polemic for mass organizing within the dominant society"
Epple’s remarks on how Roscoe and Williams have made use of Native culture to help fight their own struggles - “an unfounded conclusion” - have been echoed by many others over the years. Attacks on the concept of ‘two-spirit’ often emphasise how radically different Native conceptions of sexuality, kinship and spiritually were, and still are. Some, like the Dene, believe a child can be born with the soul of a dead relative, but this in no way affects their sexuality. Many now question how this terminology was pushed onto them, such as the Mohawk poet James Thomas Stevens in his paper Poetry and Sexuality: Running Twin Rails:
Speaking of constructed identities —enter the Twin-Spirit. Since the mid-1970s, and the founding of GAI (Gay American Indians), those interested in sociosexual and anthropological/cultural research have taken up terms such as berdache, Winkte, double-sex, Nadle, Hwame, and Twin-Spirit… Twin-Spirit is too often used as a pan-Indian term for queer-identified Native peoples, even where no such terms existed before.
Queer is an especially grating term to use to describe Native sexualities. As a word which arose in the Anglo-European context of a ‘liberation’ movement, queer is specifically defined as ‘deviant’, ‘non-normative’ and ‘perverse’. Conceptually this is nothing like the documented ‘berdache’ of Native anthropology, and whilst they can be disliked, marginalised and mocked, the ‘berdache’ existed within an accepted social framework, often with explicit rules of who they could and could not have sex with. In a paper entitled Dance to the Two-Spirit: Mythologizations of the Queer Native, Marianne Kongerslev takes aim at Roscoe’s depiction of North America as “the queerest continent on the planet”. She notes:
Two-Spirit does not signify queerness, as many tribal cultures did not conceive of their non-binary members as outsiders or contrary to traditions. The western notion of queerness here is inaccurate and insufficient for understanding the term. Two-Spirit people served central purposes within their nations and cultures, and are thus not ‘queer’.
Whilst I disagree with the use of the phrase ‘two-spirit’ to describe all Native cultures, something she discusses herself in the paper, the point is clear. Likewise in her article, Epple insists that the Navajo view gender as the primary cleavage of nature, everything can be divided into male and female categories. Thus even the ‘nadleehi’ third-gender cannot ‘queer’ or deviate from this.
Everything, as any Navajo will tell you, can be divided into male and female.... Kluckhohn points out that chants, rivers, plants, and other items are arranged as male and female... Matthews makes a similar observation: "There are many instances in Navaho language and legend where, when two things somewhat resemble each other, but one is the coarser, the stronger, or the more violent it is spoken of as male or associated with male; while the finer, weaker, or more gentle is spoken of as female, or associated with the female"
I don’t want to bombard the reader with an endless series of quotes, so I shall end this critique section with just one more. Although the ‘berdache’ is often institutionalised in Native cultures, what Roscoe and co have done in presenting their existence as both ‘queer’ and spiritual is to invert the documented dynamic. It is true that some tribes viewed them as possessing spiritual powers, it is also the case that they were routinely shunned, mocked and taunted, sometimes even exiled. There is no paradox here to my mind, the existence of a category of person which has a certain status but is nonetheless disliked is commonplace, a blacksmith being a classic example. To round this section out I will present a definitive quotation from David Greenberg’s 1998 work The Construction of Homosexuality:
Alongside the sources that refer to berdaches as honored or accepted, there are others that describe negative responses. The Papago "scorned" berdaches; the Cocopa "apparently disliked" them. The Choctaws held them "in great contempt," the Seven Nations "in the most sovereign contempt." The Klamath subjected berdaches to "scorn and taunting;" the Sioux "derided" them. Pima berdaches were ridiculed, though not otherwise sanctioned, as were Mohave berdaches who claimed to possess the genitals of the opposite sex. The Apache treated berdaches respectfully when they were present, but ridiculed them behind their backs. Although the Zuni accepted their berdache, "there was some joking and laughing about his ability to attract the young men to his home." In some groups, berdaches' partners were also ridiculed or despised.
She describes the process by which, over a period of years, a young Santee man became a winkta. As a boy, he had preferred headwork and housework to boys' sports. With approval for his transformation coming through his dreams, he adopted female attire and forms of speech. The winkta's transvestism elicited no special response until he began to flirt with and attempt to seduce many of the men in his village. At this point the villagers held a formal ceremony exiling the winkta for life. This was a very severe penalty, greater than that imposed for homicide. Following his exile, the winkta took up residence in a neighboring village. There he was welcomed by the women, who were grateful for his contribution to women's work (male berdaches often excelled in performing traditionally female tasks), and by the men, who were happy to partake of his "hospitality" (not described further, but presumably the reference is to sexual hospitality). Despite this seemingly positive reception, the winkta was persistently subjected to flirtatious teasing
There are many explanations for this behaviour, but one obvious source of tension was the ability for a ‘berdache’ male to avoid going to war by identifying with the occupations of a female. Interested readers can track down the book for a more in-depth discussion of that argument.
Throughout the 1980’s, Roscoe and others worked tirelessly on the topic of the ‘berdache’, rehabilitating the image of a maligned deviant into a powerful and beloved figure which had been suppressed by the colonial state. Roscoe drew on Hay’s work to create a global narrative of where the homosexual fit into numerous cultures, how they were revered and helped the current generation of gay activists feel connected to a deeper and even ‘primitive’ vision of their place in human history. All this work was to lead to the formal adoption of the term ‘two-spirit’ by the delegates in Winnipeg. The details of the conference and the following ‘Two-Spirit’ Movement have been archived at the University of Winnipeg, curated by Albert McLeod. Without these details I can’t present the intricacies of the conference debates and discussions, but it seems almost certain, given the nature of Roscoe’s work, that the term and its implications came from Hay’s and Roscoe’s philosophy. This isn’t to ignore the contributions of the Native delegates and activists, who obviously welcomed and accepted the term, but as we’ve seen, the interpretation of the historical record is paramount.
The links between the Gay American Indian movement and its successors with the academic world matters, for it was the patina of legitimacy that activist scholarship supplied which propelled the term ‘Two-Spirit’ into general use. The term appears in academic journals in the late 1980’s and then explodes after the conference, being picked up by advocacy groups, AIDS charities, NGOs, local governments and then the wider media and culture. Today it has become accepted vocabulary, along with its attendant beliefs, such as “Native people had four genders” or “Native cultures worshipped queer and transgender people”, a trope which has become embedded and seems unlikely to disappear...
Hay was doggedly determined to have the North American Man/Boy Love Association (NAMBLA) included in the general gay rights movement and be allowed to march at Pride with a flag and banner. His views on homosexual love and age-of-consent reveal his consistent belief that homosexuality was not only a distinct biological phenomenon, but brought with it a distinct spiritual nature as well, one which should not confine itself to the views, customs, habits and morals of the heterosexual world. He went to his grave holding out that a boy of 14 should be allowed to ‘molest’, in his words, an older man, to get the information and knowledge he needed. It is this belief in the radical separateness and incompatible moral codes of the gay and straight worlds which I believe fuelled his philosophical and scholarly pursuits. He wanted gay men in particular to have their own cosmos and their own unique place in history.
I have no doubt that his commitment to the Native Americans he lived amongst was sincere, but his obsession with locating the ‘primitive origins’ of homosexuality taints these associations. A most revealing quote from his biography displays this in full:
Despite Harry’s frustrations with his berdache investigation at San Juan, he suspected that a berdache tradition—at least in part—remained beyond the observation of whites. This suspicion was bolstered one afternoon as he watched San Juan schoolchildren debarking from their bus in front of the trading post. “A small boy of about eight was weeping and hiding behind a girl of the same age. I heard her shout at some other boys who were taunting this poor scared kid, ‘Leave him alone! He has every right to act however he wants to, and you know it!’ It was clear she was defending a little sissy.” Harry never got the chance to catch a clearer glimpse of this possibility, but felt that any such tradition would be carefully guarded from outsiders.
He had created a world for himself where, behind every door, was a secret gay rite and ritual. Even in the bullying of a small boy he saw a missed opportunity to prise open the secrets of a culture that was not his.
Ultimately I think that Roscoe and Hay are responsible for creating a
mythical Homosexual, what others call the Perpetual Homosexual, and for
pushing this into the new activist-led academia and into that crossroads
where gay Indians and gay Westerners met. ‘Two-Spirit’ encapsulates
Hay’s and Roscoe’s belief in a matriarchal worshipping divine gay man,
one who integrates some archetypal binary male/female essence and who is
destined for a special role in society and history. Not only do I think
this is obviously the fantasy of an introverted and precocious boy, but
it is one which has profoundly influenced the modern gay rights
movement, in particular the philosophy of transgenderism. But that is
perhaps another story, someone else’s to tell. If contemporary Native
Americans are happy with the term ‘Two-Spirit’, that is up to them. But
my conversations with Native friends suggests otherwise, and so I offer
this piece to anyone interested in finding out the origins of these
terms and ideas which feel foisted upon them."
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